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"O slow to smite and swift to spare, 

Gentle and merciful and JUST! 
Who, in the fear of God, didst bear 

The sword of power— A NATION'S TRUST!" 

— William Cullen Bryant. 



SUPPOSED DIARY OF 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN 

From the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
in 1854 Until April 14, 1865 



By MILTON R. SCOTT 

A UNION SOLDIER OF THE CIVIL WAR 



Where there is no vision the people perish. — Proverbs XXIX, 18 



"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all 
men are created equal and are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among 
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, 
and that to secure these rights governments are insti- 
tuted among men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed." — Declaration of 
Independence. 



Newark, Ohio 
1913 






LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG ADDRESS. 

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on 
this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are en- 
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any 
nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are 
met on a great battlefield of that war. We are met to dedicate 
a portion of it as the final resting place of the men who here gave 
their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and 
proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can 
not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. 
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- 
crated far above our power to add or detract. The world will 
little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never 
forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be 
here dedicated to the unfinished work, which they have thus far 
so nobly carried on. It is for us rather to be dedicated to the great 
task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take 
increased devotion to the cause for which they here gave the last 
full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that the 
dead shall not have died in vain — that the nation shall, under God, 
have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, 

BY THE PEOPLE AND FOR THE PEOPLE SHALL NOT PERISH FROM THE 
EARTH ! 



CorYRIGHT, 1913, BY MlLTON R. SCOTT. 

LETTER TO MRS. BIXBY OF BOSTON, MASS. 

Washington, November 21, 1864. 

Dear Madam : — I have been shown on the files of the War 
Department a statement from the Adjutant General of Massachu- 
setts, that you are the mother of five sons, who have died glor- 
iously on the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must 
be any words of mine, which should attempt to beguile you from 
the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I can not refrain from 
tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks 
of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly 
Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement and leave 
you the cherished memory of the loved and lost and the solemn 
pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the 
altar of freedom. Yours sincerely, A. Lincoln. 



COLUMBUS, OHIO: 

THE F. J. HEER PRINTING CO. 

19 13 



©CI.A3 4 378 6 



CONTENTS 



Chap. I. Retrospect and Prospect: A Vision of 

Moses and Washington 5 

Chap. II. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise 9 

Chap. III. "Freedom National, Slavery Sectional" 13 

Chap. IV. "They Also Serve Who Onlv Stand and 

Wait!" " 16 

Chap. V. Campaign of 1856 21 

Chap. VI. The Dred Scott Decision 26 

Chap. VII. The Lecompton Constitution 28 

Chap. VIII. "The Freeport Heresy" 34 

Chap. IX. The "Irrepressible Conflict" 39 

Chap. X. Campaign of 1860 : "The End of the Power 

of Slavery in the United States!" 41 

Chap. XI. Secession — Secession — Secession 52 

Chap. XII. Farewell to Springfield 59 

Chap. XIII. Exit Buchanan — Enters Lincoln 63 

Chap. XIV. Civil War — Civil War — Civil War 66 

Chap. XV. "On to Richmond!" — and Back to Wash- 
ington 75 

Chap. XVI. McClellan Called to Washington 80 

Chap. XVII. The Sleeping Sentinel 83 

Chap. XVIII. "All Quiet on the Potomac !". 85 

Chap. XIX McClellan's Peninsular Campaign 91 

Chap. XX. Antietam and Emancipation — and the Last 

of McClellan 98 

Chap. XXI. The Tragedy of Fredericksburg 102 

Chap. XXII. Must the Cabinet be Reconstructed? 103 

Chap. XXIII. Murfreesboro (or Stone River) and Chan- 

cellorsville 105 

Chap. XXIV. Vicksburg and Gettysburg! 109 

Chap. XXV. Chicamauga — Lookout Mountain — Mission- 
ary Ridge! 113 

Chap. XXVI. Wilderness — Spottsylvania — Cold Harbor — 

Atlanta — Cedar Creek! 117 

Chap. XXVII. Battle of Nashville and Sherman's March 

to the Sea! 124 

Chap. XXVIII. Fort Fisher — Richmond — Petersburg — Five 

Forks — Appomattox ! 126 

Appendix 134 



(3) 



"THE FIRST AMERICAN." 

Nature, they say, doth dote, 

And can not make a man, 

Save on some worn-out plan, 

Repeating us by rote. 
For him her old-world moulds aside she threw, 
And, choosing sweet clay from the breast 

Of the unexhausted West, 
With stuff untainted, made a hero new, 
Wise, steadfast in the strength of God — and TRUE. 

How beautiful to see 
Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed. 
Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead ; 
One whose meek flock the people joyed to be, 
Not lured by any cheat of birth, 
But by his clear-grained human worth, 
And brave old wisdom of sincerity ! 

* * * * 

His was no lonely mountain-peak of mind, 

Thrusting to thin air o'er our cloudy bars, 

A sea-mark now, now lost in vapor's blind ; 

Broad-prairie rather, genial, level-lined; 

Fruitful and friendly for all human kind; 

Yet also nigh to Heaven and loved of loftiest stars ! 

* * * * 

Our children shall behold his fame ; 
The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, 
Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, 
New birth of our new soil, the first American ! 

— James Russell Lowell. 



There was the roughness of the frontier upon Mr. Lincoln; 
his clothes hung unthought of on his big angular frame ; he broke 
often, in the midst of the weightiest affairs of state, into broad and 
boisterous humor; he did his work with a sort of careless heavi- 
ness, as if disinclined to action ; but there was a singular gift of 
insight in him from early boyhood. He had been bred in straitened, 
almost abject poverty; and yet he had made even that life yield 
him more than other boys get from formal schooling. He had 
made a career for himself in Illinois, culminating in his debates 
with Douglas, debates to which the whole country paused to listen ; 
and he was ready to be President by the time he became President. 
He called Mr. Seward and Mr. Chase, the accepted leaders of his 
party, into his cabinet; but he himself determined the course and 
policy of his administration. — Woodrow Wilson. 



(4) 



SUPPOSED DIARY OF 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN 



CHAPTER I.* 

Retrospect and Prospect. — Vision of Moses and Wash- 
ington. 

Springfield, III., Sunday, January i, 1854. — I have 
never been in the habit of raking up my past life on New 
Year's clay and forming a series of good resolutions in 
reference to my future conduct, but this morning I awoke 
several hours before sunrise and could not go to sleep again 
for reflecting on my past and wondering what my future is 
to be. I attended the usual services at the Presbyterian 
church, of which my wife is a member, in the hope of get- 
ting relief from the thoughts and reflections that were op- 
pressing me, but heara instead a very earnest discourse 
from the text, "Be Strong and of a Good Courage." While 
the sermon was addressed to people in all conditions of life, 
and I had no reason to suppose that Dr. Smith had me in 
his mind, my reflections of the morning were greatly in- 
tensified and continued with me throughout the rest of the 
day, so that I could do little else but review my past and 
strive in vain to forecast my future. 

I suppose I may consider myself a successful, if not 
a highly distinguished lawyer, and I have every reason to 
believe that the firm of Lincoln and Herndon will have as 
large a practice in the future as we desire ; but I must con- 
fess that the practice of law has failed to give me the com- 
plete satisfaction that I wish. My legal reputation is cer- 
tainly as good as I deserve, and the respect and good will 
that I have obtained from the people of Springfield and 

* U. S. Senator Cullom, of Illinois, to whom this first chapter 
was submitted, says of it, "Much of the article is substantially 
Lincoln's own words, as I remember them." 

The author of this book, however, lays no claim to an imi- 
tation of Mr. Lincoln's peculiar style of speech and composition; 
he only hopes that he has revealed the mind and soul of the great 
President in some measure at least. 

(5) 



6 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

other parts of the state is something that I prize very highly ; 
but there are times when in spite of my professional suc- 
cess and reputation, my life seems almost useless, and I 
long for a chance to do something that will give me more 
complete satisfaction and earn a reputation that posterity 
will always cherish. Ever since my youthful days I have 
had friends to flatter me that I would some day occupy a 
distinguished position in the world, some of them going so 
far as to say that I would live to be President of the United 
States; and Mrs. Lincoln has frequently declared that I 
would yet be a greater man than Douglas before I died, 
and that I was more likely to be elected President than he 
was ; but if I have ever cherished such hopes and ambitions 
myself, they seem far enough from being realized. I have 
always been more or less active in politics, and I can truly 
say that I have tried to serve the whole people as well as 
to build up the Whig party and gratify my own ambition; 
but my political career — if I may claim to have had such a 
career — has been an almost complete disappointment and 
failure. Four terms in the Illinois Legislature and one term 
in Congress tells the whole story — and to how little purpose 
or profit. I stumped it for Gen. Harrison in 1840 and 
greatly rejoiced in his victory over Van Buren, but his early 
death and the course of Tyler's administration deprived us 
of all the fruits of our victory. I also stumped the state 
for Henry Clay in 1844, and had to share in the pain and 
mortification which came to all his supporters at seeing him 
defeated by a man like James K. Polk. In the Taylor cam- 
paign of 1848, I was again a candidate for elector-at-large 
on the Whig ticket, and although we could not carry Il- 
linois for old Zach., we had the satisfaction of seeing Gen. 
Cass defeated and our candidate placed in the White House. 
I have always believed that Taylor's death was a great loss 
to the country, especially when I remember the firm stand 
he took in favor of the admission of California as a free 
state without any compromise or concession to the, slave 
states. If he had lived, I can not help thinking the Whig 
party would have carried the election of 1852 and would 
now be in control of the government instead of being so 
near bankruptcy as we seem. I was again placed on the 
Whig electoral ticket in 1852; but all my efforts to sustain 
my own interest in General Scott, the conqueror of Mexico, 



Retrospect and Prospect 



and to secure votes for him were in vain. And ever since 
the election of Pierce by so large a majority of both the 
popular and the electoral vote, I have felt very little hope 
for the Whig party to which I have been so fondly attached. 
In fact, I can hardly see any future for it and no political 
future for myself. Clay and Webster are both dead, and no 
leaders have risen to take their place. The country does 
not want another National Bank ; and the discovery of 
California gold has so stimulated business that there is very 
little complaint over the low tariff of 1846, so it would be 
useless for us to enter the next presidential campaign with 
the same platform on which we have previously stood. 

And even if the Whig party is not as dead as the 
Democrats claim it is, the Democratic majority is so great 
in Illinois and Douglas has such a hold on the people, that 
there seems to be no chance for me in the political field. 

I am not a subscriber to Garrison's Liberator, but a 
friend in Boston occasionally sends me a copy which I am 
pretty sure to read in whole or in part. While I think he 
is engaged in a hopeless crusade and fear that the agitation 
of the Slavery question by him and other abolitionists is 
doing more harm than good, I can not help admiring his 
courage and sincerity. I have not yet read Mrs. Stowe's 
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," but I can see that it is having a great 
influence on the minds of the Northern people — and who can 
tell what the result of all the agitation will be? We Whigs 
followed the example of the Democrats and declared in 
our platform of 1852 that the compromise measures of 1850 
were a final settlement of the slavery question, but the feel- 
ing against the fugitive slave law is constantly increasing, 
and the difficulty of enforcing it in the northern states be- 
comes more and more apparent. Still as slavery is a state 
and not a national institution, I do not see how the Free 
Soil party can ever hope to secure its abolition except 
through the actions of the states where it now exists. 

My own view has always been that the institution is 
so contrary to the Declaration of Independence which I 
have always so highly revered, and in fact so contrary to all 
the principles on which our government was founded, that 
if its extension into our territories could be prevented, the 
Southern states would eventually realize its injustice and 
bad policy and provide for its extinction. Happily the gen- 



8 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

eral government has already prohibited it north of the com- 
promise line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, north 
latitude, so that the great northwest or "Platte country" 
now occupied by Indian tribes will in the course of future 
years be inhabited by settlers devoted to freedom and free 
soil from all parts of the country, and we may therefore 
hope that the friends of slavery will have to be satisfied 
with its present limits, if they do not see the wisdom of 
providing for its extinction. I have heard it predicted by 
some of my pro-slavery acquaintances in Illinois that the 
Missouri compromise of 1820 will some day be repealed; 
but I can not think it possible that Congress will ever pass 
such a measure, or that any President will ever give it his 
approval. 

Springfield, III., January 2, 1854. — Last night I 
dreamed I was again a boy of ten years, standing by the 
bedside of my dying mother; and as she laid her hand on 
my head, she said to me in tones so clear that the sound of 
her voice still remains in my ear : "Abe, I have always 
taught you to be a good boy, and you have always been a 
good boy to me, and now I want to tell you that you must 
grow up to be a good and strong man, so that when I look 
down on you from my home in heaven, I will feel very 
proud to know I was the mother who gave you birth.'' 

Then my dream suddenly changed, and I was a full 
grown man at the foot of a steep mountain on the summit 
of which I could clearly see the faces and forms of Moses 
and Washington, as they beckoned me to climb the moun- 
tain and stand beside them. It was a hard and painful 
ascent and severely taxed both my patience and my strength ; 
but when I reached the rock on which they stood, each of 
them gave me a cordial grasp of his hand, and after speak- 
ing my name, suddenly disappeared from my sight. Then 
I awoke and have tried in vain to answer the question why, 
even in a dream Moses, the deliverer of a race from slavery, 
and Washington, the father of his country, should thus 
recognize me by name and invite me to stand beside them 
on the summit of so high a mountain. 



Repeal of the Missouri Compromise 9 

CHAPTER II. 
Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 

Springfield, January 6, 1854. — I notice in a Chicago 
paper that Judge Douglas, as chairman of the Senate Com- 
mittee on territories, has introduced a bill for the organiza- 
tion of the Nebraska territory, accompanying it with the 
statement that his committee did not feel called on to dis- 
cuss the controverted questions whether Congress had any 
rightful authority to legislate on the subject of slavery in 
the territories and whether the constitution secured the 
right of every citizen to take slave property as well as all 
other kinds of property into the territories ; but at the same 
time his report contains the wholly new proposition that the 
compromise measures of 1850 are to be considered as based 
on the principle that all questions pertaining to slavery are 
to be left to the people of the territories acting through 
their chosen representatives. What Douglas proposes to 
do with the Missouri Compromise of 1820 does not appear 
in either his bill or his accompanying report; but I think 
he will have to meet that question one way or the other 
before he secures action on his bill by either the Senate 
or the House of Representatives. 

Springfield, January 20, 1854. — It has come to pass 
as I expected ; Douglas will have to recognize the Missouri 
Compromise as the fixed law of the country or provide 
for its repeal in his bill. Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, 
although a Whig, has given notice that when Douglas' bill 
comes before the Senate for action, he will offer an amend- 
ment providing that the provision in the Missouri Com- 
promise of 1820 prohibiting slavery in all the territory of 
the Louisiana Purchase north of thirty-six degrees and 
thirty minutes north latitude, shall not apply to the territory 
contemplated in this act, which would virtually repeal the 
Missouri Compromise and open the Nebraska territory to 
the institution of slavery. This will be a hard question 
for Douglas to decide, and whatever decision he may make 
will have a very important bearing for better or worse on 
his presidential aspirations and his political future, and 
also on the welfare of the country. Only a year or so ago 
he declared the Missouri Compromise a binding contract ; 



10 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

but no one can tell whether he will adhere to that view, if 
he is led to think it will conflict with his presidential 
aspirations. 

Springfield, January 25, 1854. — The die is cast so 
far as Douglas is concerned. He has accepted Dixon's 
amendment and reported a bill repealing the Missouri Com- 
promise. His new bill provides for two territories, one 
lying directly west of Missouri to be known as Kansas, and 
the northern portion to be known as Nebraska. With 
reference to slavery he declares in his bill that it is based 
on the principles established by the compromise measures 
of 1850, and that the "true intent and meaning of the act 
is not to legislate slavery into any territory or State of 
the United States or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave 
the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate 
their domestic institutions in their own way — "subject only 
to the Constitution of the United States." And yet neither 
Douglas nor any supporter of his bill could find anything 
in the compromise measures of 1850 denying the right of 
Congress to prohibit slavery in any territory or establish- 
ing any principle or policy for any other territories but 
Utah and New Mexico, in which the question of slavery 
was left for the decision of their inhabitants. 

A fatal defect in his bill is that it does not state 
whether the people of Kansas and Nebraska may deter- 
mine the question of slavery while under a territorial gov- 
ernment, or must wait until they frame a constitution and 
are admitted into the Union as states. Rumor has it that 
Douglas and the Southern leaders have mutually agreed to 
let this question be decided by the Supreme Court, and 
that herein lies the significance of the clause, "subject only 
to the Constitution of the United States." What breakers 
ahead there may be for Douglas on this issue Heaven only 
knows. To me it seems that he is only treasuring up wrath 
against the day of wrath for himself and his party. 

Springfield, February 12, 1854. — This is my forty- 
fifth birthday; and having no cases on hand that demanded 
immediate attention, I have lain on the lounge in our office 
and given myself up to pretty much the same reflections that 
occupied my mind on New Year's day, and to some extent 
ever since. At last I have reached what is supposed to be 
the prime of life, and although my health is good, I must 



Repeal of the Missouri Compromise 11 

face the fact that henceforth I will have to travel the down 
grade in physical vigor. Besides the ambition I have always 
cherished in some measure, I have often longed to render 
some service to the country that would give me the satis- 
faction of making my life truly useful and would be grate- 
fully remembered by the people when I am no more on 
the earth. At this time I am almost "possessed" with 
the desire to do something that would prevent the passage 
of Douglas' Nebraska bill by Congress. But as I am not a 
member of either the Senate or the lower house of Congress, 
alas I can do nothing. So I can only console myself with 
the reflection that if it becomes a law I will be in no manner 
responsible for the evil results that will surely follow. 

Springfield, February 28, 1854. — And so our State 
Legislature has adopted a resolution indorsing Douglas' 
Nebraska bill, although when they first assembled less than 
half a dozen members were in favor of it. But under the 
party lash and Douglas' personal influence the Democratic 
majority (as far as their influence extends) have made 
themselves parties to this great wrong, if Divine Providence 
permits it to be consummated. 

Springfield, March 4, 1854. — It is only a year since 
President Pierce congratulated the country on the final 
settlement of the slavery question by the compromise meas- 
ures of 1850, and only three months since in his annual 
message he gave us the most positive assurance that the 
agitation of this question would never be reopened by any 
act of his administration ; and yet last night — at the fit 
hour of midnight ! — a Democratic Senate passed the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill repealing the Missouri Compromise 
of 1820 and opening the territories of Kansas and Nebraska 
to the institution of slavery by the decisive vote of thirty- 
seven to fourteen. It is hardly likely the Senate would 
have done this without a promise from Pierce that he 
would sign the bill, if it also passes the House ; but we can 
only wait and see. 

I have been much interested in reading the debates 
on this bill and the arguments urged against it by Seward, 
Chase, Wade, Sumner and others. I am not sure that I 
could have added anything to their points, but the desire 
to participate in the debate and show the country the 
fallacy of Douglas' "popular sovereignty" doctrine has been 



12 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

very great, and it has been hard for me to see a measure 
so contrary to the principles of our government adopted 
by the Senate, while I had no opportunity to raise my 
voice against it. I still have hope that the House will vote 
it down ; but the power of the administration is very great ; 
and no one can tell how far it will be exercised to carry 
through this measure of Senator Douglas without regard to 
its effect on the peace and welfare of the country. 

Springfield, May 25, 1854. — After considering 
Douglas' bill nearly three months, the House of Represen- 
tatives finally passed it by a vote of one hundred and 
thirteen to one hundred and ten, and it has been duly 
signed by President Pierce, notwithstanding all his pledges 
to do nothing that would reopen the agitation of the 
slavery question. It is some satisfaction to learn that as 
many as forty-four Northern Democrats voted against this 
bill and not one Northern Whig in favor of it. 

I have always been slow to attribute improper motives 
to my political opponents; but if Pierce was sincere in the 
promises he made in his Inaugural and in his annual 
message to Congress, his hand must have shook and 
his knees smote together when he wrote his name in 
approval of this bill. And how blind he must be to its 
effect on his administration and his party. I have never 
claimed any "gift of prophesy," but I may safely predict 
that Pierce's own party will be too wise in their generation 
to nominate him for President in 1856. 

Springfield, June 20, 1854. — Ever since the passage 
of Douglas' Nebraska bill I have been wondering what he 
thinks of his achievement and what his forecast of his 
political prospects may be. Knowing his great ambition 
to be President, I have not been greatly surprised at his 
efforts to please the Democratic leaders of the slave states ; 
but he certainly fails to appreciate the righteous indigna- 
tion which his measure has aroused in the North, and how 
can he hope to be elected by the South alone? Only last 
night I dreamed I saw him riding a magnificent steed and 
going forth to do battle at the head of an army with drums 
beating and colors flying. But in the effort to make a 
movement against the enemy he was fighting, he suddenly 
approached a deep ditch into which he and his horse both 
fell, when his army quickly scattered in all directions and 



"Freedom National, Slavery Sectional" 13 

left him to his fate. "Such stuff as dreams are made of," 'tis 
true, but why should such a dream come to me in the 
dead hours of the night? 

Springfield, June 24, 1854. — Have just written a 
letter to my good friend Joshua Speed, who formerly lived 
in Springfield but now lives in Louisville, Kentucky, in 
which I freely expressed my views on the slavery question. 
I also reminded him of our steamboat trip from Louisville 
to Cairo in the year 1841 and of the impression that was 
made on my mind by seeing a number of negro slaves on 
the boat chained together and carried as mere frieght on 
their way to the southern market. I would certainly be an 
anti-slavery man and would oppse the extension of the in- 
stitution into our free territory, if I knew no more of its 
evil character than I saw on that trip. 

Speed generously gave me office room and bedroom 
over his store in Springfield when I was admitted to the 
bar in the year 1836, and our relations ever since have ever 
been the most cordial and friendly, but I do not think he 
realizes as I do the extent to which Congress has departed 
from the fundamental principles of the government in the 
passage of Douglas' Nebraska bill. 



CHAPTER III. 

"Freedom National, Slavery Sectional." 

Springfield, July 4. 1854. — Our national birthday 
is being celebrated throughout the State in the usual manner, 
but there are fears and forebodings in many people's minds 
that can not be concealed or denied. Here in Springfield 
and generally in the northern part of the state the anti- 
Nebraska sentiment seems overwhelming; but in the south- 
ern portion the prevailing sentiment is very different. We 
Whigs have been in quite a pickle, not knowing whether we 
had better try to maintain our organization and nominate 
our own candidates for Congress and the Legislature or 
join hands with the anti-Nebraska Democrats and try to 
secure the restoration of the Missouri Compromise line by 
electing men who are opposed to Douglas' bill. For my own 
part I would willingly surrender all my devotion to the 
Whig party, if I could make myself in the least degree 
effective in securing a Legislature that would elect an anti- 



14 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Nebraska man to the United States Senate in place of James 
Shields, who voted for the Nebraska bill against his better 
judgment in order to please Douglas, and also effective in 
sending an anti-Nebraska delegation to the lower house of 
Congress that would undo the work of Richardson and the 
other Democratic members of our delegation. But if we 
make a fusion with the anti-Nebraska Democrats, there 
are some pro-slavery Whigs who will vote the Democratic 
ticket. However, I am hopeful there will be enough anti- 
Nebraska men in both parties who will put principle above 
party and overturn the Democratic majority in the State. 
And it now looks as if the same result will be secured in 
other Northern States. The Free Soil party, whose influ- 
ence I have generally regarded as more useful to the pro- 
slavery cause than to anti-slavery, seem willing to give up 
their party organization and assist in the election of anti- 
Nebraska men to Congress. The 150,000 votes they gave 
to John P. Hale in 1852 can not fail to turn the scale in 
many states. 

Springfield, July 6, 1854. — Herndon and I are fre- 
quently taken to task by our fellow-lawyers for making such 
low charges for our services, and being so "easy" in col- 
lecting our fees ; but it is simply impossible for me to 
have any ambition about amassing riches for myself beyond 
what is necessary for the support of my family and a reason- 
able provision against old age. If I had always charged 
such fees as most other lawyers charge, I might by this 
time have been able to call myself a rich man, but what 
satisfaction would that be to me? What is large wealth, 
anyhow, but a superfluity of the things we don't 
need? And I have sometimes thought it was chiefly valu- 
able as a means of keeping other people from getting the 
things they do need. 

And I have noticed that while the all-wise Creator 
allows some people to obtain a very large portion of the 
earth's riches while others can hardly secure the necessities 
of life, it seems to me He does not permit the rich to secure 
greater happiness than the poor as a rule. 

I also hold that lawyers as well as doctors and ministers 
should consider themselves public servants and should not 
refuse to appear in court in any case of clear merit, even 
if they have no hope of obtaining their fees. 



"Freedom National, Slavery Sectional" 15 

Springfield, July S, 1854. — In pursuance of a call 
signed by more than ten thousand voters, the anti-Nebraska 
men of Michigan met "under the oaks" at Jackson in that 
state two or three days ago and organized themselves as a 
party under the name of "Republican." After demanding 
the restoration of the Missouri Compromise and the abo- 
lition of slavery in the District of Columbia, they proceeded 
to nominate a full state ticket with Kinsley S. Bingham at 
its head as their candidate for Governor. If a new party is 
to be formed for the conflict that is before us I know no 
better name for it than the one they chose. 

Springfield, August 10, 1854. — Notwithstanding the 
large majority Pierce received over Scott in Iowa in 1852, 
the election recently held in that state resulted in a decided 
anti-Nebraska victory. Mr. Grimes being elected Governor 
by a handsome majority. I am hoping, perhaps hoping 
against hope, for a similar result in Illinois in November; 
but I can not expect so complete a revolution, as there are 
so many emigrants from the South in the Southern part 
of the state to which we have given the name of "Egypt." 

Springfield, October 10, 1854. — The election of 
James Pollock, the Whig and anti-Nebraska candidate for 
Governor of Pennsylvania, with a majority of anti-Nebraska 
congressmen in that state and Indiana, in addition to the 
election of an entire anti-Nebraska delegation in Ohio by 
a majority of 3,000 and over in each district, gives me 
great satisfaction and increases my hope of an anti-Ne- 
braska victory in Illinois in November. I am aware, how- 
ever, that the result in these states, particularly in Ohio, 
was largely due to the "Know Nothing" organization, whose 
secret oaths and proscription on account of religion 
or foreign birth i can never indorse. Whatever prin- 
ciples or measures I advocate, I want to do everything in 
the full light of day and before the eyes of all the people ; 
for I hold that to proscribe any man on account of his 
religion or his foreign birth is contrary to the Declaration 
of Independence and to all my notions of justice and 
fairness. 

Peoria, Ills., October 16, 1854. — Douglas spoke at 
this place for three hours today in defense of his Nebraska 
bill and his doctrine of popular sovereignty, — which doc- 
trine, when duly interpreted means that if one man wants 



16 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 



to make a slave of another man, no third man has a right 
to object — and I replied this evening in a speech of about 
the same length in an address which I had prepared with 
considerable care and study. I know full well that I have 
no such gifts of oratory as Douglas has; but the attention 
and appreciation of the people were very gratifying, and 
at the close Douglas himself told me my arguments against 
his bill were harder to answer than any he had encountered 
in the United States Senate. I did not, however, tell him 
how I longed to be a member of the Senate and to par- 
ticipate in the debates on his bill when it was before that 
body. 

My friends all tell me that my speeches in this cam- 
paign are more effective than any they ever heard in pre- 
vious campaigns. I suppose this is because I am seeking to 
convince them, and I believe I am convincing most of them, 
that the passage of the Nebraska bill was a great WRONG, 
and not merely an unnecessary and unwise measure. 

Springfield, October 20. 1854. — The recent anti- 
Nebraska state convention held in this place was composed 
of Whi^s, Democrats and Free Soilers united in their 
determination to oppose the further extension of slavery 
and to secure the election of an anti-Nebraska senator in 
place of Shields and the election of as many anti-Nebraska 
representatives as possible in the state. It seemed rather 
strange for me to act in a political convention with men 
to whom I have always been opposed in political matters ; 
but as we have a common purpose we found no great diffi- 
culty in putting our heads together and nominating a candi- 
date for Governor and other state offices. We passed a 
series of resolutions declaring freedom national, and 
slavery sectional, and pledging ourselves to resist its 
extension into the territories of the United States. Since 
the convention was held my friends have prevailed on me 
to accept a nomination for Representative in our State 
Legislature ; so after six years' retirement, willy or nilly, 
I am a candidate for office and in politics again. 



CHAPTER IV. 
"They Also Serve Who Only Stand and Wait." 
Springfield, November io, 1854. — The returns of our 



" They Also Serve Who Stand and Wait" 17 

state election are all in, and I am chosen one of Sangamon 
county's representatives in our State Legislature by some 
six hundred majority. Although the Democracy have re- 
elected Gov. Matteson, we anti-Nebraska men have secured 
five of our nine Congressmen and a small majority in the 
Legislature, so that we are sure to elect an anti-Nebraska 
Senator in Shields' place. A great many friends have told 
me that my speeches in reply to Douglas have made me the 
leader of the anti-Nebraska forces in the state and that I 
am clearly entitled to this honor. I take it that no man 
owns a public office or can claim to deserve one until he 
gets it by due process of law ; but a seat in the Senate 
where I could hope to effectively oppose the extension of 
slavery would gratify my ambition beyond the power of 
words to express. I have no doubt that a large majority 
of the anti-Nebraska men elected to the Legislature will be 
for me, but I fear there will be a few Democrats among 
them who can not be induced to vote for as staunch a 
Whig as I have always been. Moreover, I will have to 
resign my seat in the Legislature before I am eligible to 
an election according to the constitution of Illinois. My 
resignation of a seat in the Legislature, I may safely assume, 
would work no injury to the state of Illinois or to myself. 
Springfield, February 9, 1855. — The two houses of 
our Legislature assembled in joint convention yesterday to 
choose a United States Senator in place of Shields. I 
would have been chosen by two majority if all the anti- 
Nebraska men had voted for me; but a small number of 
anti-Nebraska Democrats persisted in voting for Lyman 
Trumbull, and after eight or nine ballots had been taken 
I saw that I had no chance, and in order to prevent the 
election of Gov. Matteson, I advised my friends to vote 
for Judge Trumbull and thereby secured his election. Great 
as is my disappointment, I have the satisfaction of knowing 
that by my withdrawal I prevented the election of Gov. 
Matteson and secured the election of a very able opponent 
of slavery extension to represent our state in the United 
States Senate during the coming six years. I have never 
claimed to be free from personal ambition in politics, but 
my supreme purpose is to promote the cause of freedom, 
even if I have to sacrifice myself in the contest. 
2 



18 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Last Sunday I heard a sermon on the life of Moses, 
in which the preacher dwelt at some length on the fact that 
this great leader had to spend forty years as a shepherd in 
the wilderness before he was prepared to enter on his great 
task ; and at the close of his sermon he quoted from the 
poet Milton : 

"God doth not need 
Either man's works or His own gifts. Who best 
Bear His mild yoke, they serve Him best. His state 
Is kingly; thousands at His bidding speed, 
And post o'er land and ocean without rest ; 
They also serve who only stand and wait." 

Can it be possible that these lines of the great poet 
have any special application to my case? 

I did not go to bed last night until after midnight for 
pondering on my defeat and schooling myself to bear it 
without being discouraged for the sake of our cause. Soon 
after I fell asleep I once more dreamed that I saw Moses 
and Washington on the summit of a great mountain beckon- 
ing me to come up and stand beside them. This time the 
ascent seemed much more tedious and difficult than before, 
but each of them grasped me firmly by the hand and said 
to me in a voice that thrilled my wearied frame from head 
to foot: 

"They also serve who only stand — and WAIT." 

Would that I could find another prophet Daniel to give 
me the meaning and interpretation of this dream ! 

Cincinnati. Ohio, March 10, 1855. — I made my ap- 
pearance in the United States Court in this "Queen City of 
the West" yesterday as one of three attorneys for the de- 
fense in the case of McCormick vs. Manny; but as there 
were only two attorneys on McCormick's side, the court was 
only willing to hear from two on our side. This was quite 
a disappointement to me as I had spent a great deal of 
time in preparing for the case and wanted to make a reply 
to Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, who is one of the most 
distinguished lawyers in the country. But Edwin M. 
Stanton, of Steubenville, in this state, who was our senior 
counsel, not only declined to insist on my being heard, but 
seemed to have so much confidence in his own ability and so 
little in mine that he even failed to show me the respect 



" They Also Serve Who Stand and Wait " 19 

and courtesy that were due an associate counsel. But this 
did not prevent my appreciating his great ability and wish- 
ing it could be employed in our struggle against the exten- 
sion of slavery. Also — I know not why — as I sat and 
listened to Mr. Stanton's clear and effective argument, the 
question arose in my mind whether I should ever meet him 
again under such circumstances that he would give me the 
courtesy and respect that he denied me on this occasion ! 

Springfield, August i, 1855. — At the demand of 
Jefferson Davis, his Secretary of War, President Pierce has 
removed Gov. Reeder, of Kansas, on account of his un- 
willingness to sustain the Border Ruffian efforts to make 
Kansas a slave state. Wilson Shannon, a former Governor 
of Ohio, who has taken Reeder's place, is said to be a pro- 
slavery man ; but 1 can not think he will be willing to do 
the bidding of the desperate men who are seeking to 
extend the institution of slavery over this fair territory. 
And unless he does comply with their demands and indorse 
all their acts, he may expect the same fate that has over- 
taken Governor Reeder. 

Springfield, August 15, 1855. — I n a rather gloomy 
mood, which I hope will not continue with me very long, 
I have just written to my friend, George Robertson, of 
Lexington, Kentucky, that there is no peaceful extinction of 
slavery in prospect for us, and that the autocrat of all the 
Russias will resign his crown and declare his subjects free 
Republicans before our American masters will give up their 
slaves. And then I added : "Our political problem now is, 
can we, as a nation, continue together permanently, half 
slave and have free? May God in His mercy superintend 
the solution." 

I should certainly despair of this Republic, if I did not 
believe that the same God who carried our fathers through 
the Revolution still lives, and that in some way that we 
know not He will direct us in the solution of this problem. 

Springfield, September 10, 1855. — I feel satisfied — 
I am almost satisfied — that if the settlement of Kansas could 
be allowed to take its natural course, it would become a free 
state ; but the slaveholders of Missouri, encouraged and 
stimulated by the politicians 'and slaveholders of other 
southern states, have shown a determination to establish 
slavery within the territory, even if they have to do it by 



20 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

force. In fact, under the leadership of Senator D. R. 
Atchison, they have systematically organized for that pur- 
pose, and are making the most serious threats against any 
settlers who may oppose their plans. 

On the other hand, an "Emigrant Aid Society" has been 
formed in Massachusetts to encourage and assist emigration 
from New England into the new territory. But as Missouri 
lies contiguous to Kansas, Atchison and his followers have 
all the advantage on their side. God only knows what the 
final result will be. 

Springfield, October 12, 1855. — I have been very 
much gratified by the election of Salmon P. Chase as Gover- 
nor of Ohio, for although I have no personal acquaintance 
with him, from my knowledge of his record in the United 
States Senate, I consider him a man of very superior ability 
and a truly earnest and devoted opponent of slavery exten- 
sion. There are some intimations that he has his eye on the 
presidential nomination next year — but the presidency 
seldom comes to those who seek it too hard. 

Decatur, Ills., February 22, 1856 — At a meeting of 
the anti-Nebraska editors of the state held here to-day, 
a resolution was adopted recommending the holding of a 
state convention at Bloomington on the coming 29th of 
June for the nomination of a state ticket and the more com- 
plete organization of the Republican party in the state. In 
the course of the address which they invited me to deliver 
at their evening banquet, I took occasion to inform them 
that while I had been suggested as the most suitable candi- 
date for Governor, I did not wish to be thus honored, as 
there were many anti-Nebraska Democrats in the state who 
would not vote for me on acount of my well-known Whig 
record, and I therefore suggested the name of Colonel Win, 
H. Bissell, believing he would receive the votes of both 
Whigs and Democrats and would be triumphantly elected. 

The long deadlock in the lower house of Congress has 
at length been broken by the election of Nathaniel P. Banks, 
of Massachusetts, as Speaker. This is an anti-slavery vic- 
tory, which I hope, but hardly dare to expect, presages 
the election of a Republican President next November. 



Campaign of 1856 21 



CHAPTER V. 
Campaign of 1856. 

Springfield, February 25, 1856. — The American 
(alias "Know Nothing") party met in convention in Phila- 
delphia on the 22nd inst. and after the withdrawal of some 
fifty anti-Nebraska delegates proceeded to nominate Ex- 
President Fillmore for President and Andrew Jackson 
Donelson, of Tennessee, a nephew of Ex-President Jack- 
son, for Vice President. As it will be impossible for the 
new Republican party to indorse these nominations on the 
platform adopted by the convention, we will have a tri- 
angular contest for the presidency this year, which will 
greatly increase the chances for the Democratic candidate, 
I fear. And the mass convention of anti-slavery men 
which met in Pittsburg on the same day have issued a 
call for a national Republican convention in Philadelphia 
on the coming 17th of June to nominate Republican candi- 
dates for President and Vice President of the United 
States ; so in the presidential election of this year we will 
have a direct issue between the friends of slavery and 
the friends of freedom. 

Springfield, April 1, 1856. — The case of the negro, 
Dred Scott, who sued for his freedom in the United States 
court for Missouri on the ground that he had been kept 
by his master for a number of years in the territory of 
Minnesota in which slavery was prohibited by the ordi- 
nance of 1787, has been argued and re-argued before the 
supreme court of the United States, but no decision has 
yet been rendered. Is it possible that on account of the 
Kansas troubles and the growth of anti-slavery sentiment 
in the country the five Democratic judges are withholding 
their decision in this case until after the coming presiden- 
tial election ? I can certainly see no other reason for their 
delay. 

Springfield, May 25, 1856. — The whole country has 
been deeply stirred by the terrible assault on Senator 
Sumner, of Massachusetts, by Preston S. Brooks, of South 
Carolina, in the Senate chamber of the United States. 
The House of Representatives, to which Brooks belonged, 
lacked the two-thirds vote which was necessary to expel 



22 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

him, but passed a resolution of censure by a majority vote 
which caused him to resign his seat ; but in all probability 
he will be re-elected, as his deed is generally approved in 
the South. 

Some of our people see in this assault on Senator 
Sumner a precursor of an assault which the slave power 
will one day make on the government itself ; but I am very 
reluctant to adopt such a view. 

Springfield, May 2j. — The report of the committee 
appointed by the House of Representatives to investigate 
the Kansas troubles declares that every election that has 
been held under the organic law of the territory has been 
controlled by armed and organized invasions from Missouri ; 
that the so-called Territorial Legislature was an illegal 
body, and that a fair election cannot be held in the terri- 
tory without a new census and the protection of the United 
States army. 

Meantime the troubles in the territory have virtually 
reached the stage of civil war and are still increasing, while 
the pro-slavery party still enjoys the favor and approval 
of Pierce's administration. How long, O Lord, how long 
must these things continue? 

Bloomington, Ills., May 29, 1856. — I was called on 
to speak at the state convention held here today to com- 
plete the organization of the Republican party and prepare 
for our Presidential campaign. Although I had made no 
formal preparation, I was listened to with such interest and 
attention that I was almost lifted out of the body, and the 
reporters who were present told me afterwards that they 
were so "carried away" with my address that they forgot 
to take any notes, so they dubbed it "A Lost Speech." I 
do remember, however, that I declared the Whig party 
dead beyond the recall of even Gabriel's trumpet, and pro- 
claimed the question of slavery extension the one supreme 
issue of the clay. Therefore, it was our plain duty to meet 
this question without fear of man and let the slave states 
know we are such lovers of the Union that we will never 
leave it and will never permit them to leave it ! We 
may or may not be able, I said, to carry the presidential 
election this year, but if we are beaten we should at once 
begin our preparations for the campaign of i860, by which 
time we can not fail of success, if the anti-slavery senti- 



Campaign of 1856 23 



ment of the country continues to increase and we make 
no serious mistakes. 

Springfield, June 10, 1856. — As I anticipated Pierce 
was placed on the scrap heap and Buchanan nominated 
for President by the Democratic National Convention at 
Cincinnati. The platform adopted declares the principles 
contained in the Kansas-Nebraska bill to he the only safe 
and sound solution of the slavery question and pledges the 
party to the application of these principles in the organiza- 
tion of the terrtories and the admission of new states with 
or without slavery as the people thereof may elect. All 
which would sound very plausible, if it were not for the 
fact that slavery is a great wrong, and that its extension 
would be a menace to the principles of our free govern- 
ment — and to the government itself. 

A fatal weakness in the platform, which does not ap- 
pear to have been seen by the convention, is that it is silent 
on the question whether the people of a territory may pre- 
vent the introduction of slavery in their midst before they 
secure admission into the Union, although the only con- 
clusion to be drawn from the platform is that they have 
no such right or power. Well did Senator Hamlin, of 
Maine, declare in the Senate a day or two since, "Alas, 
for territorial sovereignty ! It came to its death in the 
house of its friends; it was buried by the same hands that 
gave it baptism !" 

A day or two since I wrote to PTon. Elihu B. Wash- 
burn, of this state, urging the nomination of Judge Mc- 
Lean, of Ohio, as the Republican candidate for President 
at the coming Republican convention, but the tide seems 
to be all for Colonel Fremont, the famous Pathfinder. 

Urbana, Ills., June 20. — While attending court at 
this place I have received the news of Fremont's nomina- 
tion at Philadelphia. Have also learned that I received 
about one hundred votes for Vice President. While I am 
not insensible to this honor what I desire is a seat in the 
Senate at the expiration of Douglas' term and not the 
mere privilege of presiding over its deliberations. Fre- 
mont's career as an explorer and "pathfinder" does not 
prove his fitness for the presidential office, but I consider 
him a true anti-slavery man. and I will find no difficulty in 
supporting him heartily and conscientiously, and with 



24 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

whatever capacity I have. It is very likely that if I had 
been nominated for Vice President, a great many people 
would have questioned my fitness for the Presidency in 
case of a vacancy in the office. They might even have 
doubted my ability to preside over the United States Senate 
as Vice President with due grace and dignity on account 
of my long arms and legs and unhandsome face ! 

The platform adopted by the convention pleases me 
as well as if I had written it myself, as it declares that 
"since the constitution gives Congress sovereign power 
over the territories of the United States, it is both the 
right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories 
those twin relics of barbarism, slavery and polygamy." 
How can the people fail to indorse this declaration? 

Springfield, September i, 1856. — Notwithstanding 
the pro-slavery principles with which Gov. Wilson Shannon 
went to Kansas, he could not approve all the schemes of the 
pro-slavery party in that territory, and has been compelled 
to "throw up his hands" and resign his position. John W. 
Geary, of Pennsylvania, who has been appointed to succeed 
him is said to be a man of character and ability, and has 
been instructed to act fairly and impartially and restore 
peace and order in the territory ; but it will be very hard 
for him to do this without offending the administration, 
and being forced to make his choice between resignation 
and removal. 

Springfield, September 15, 1856. — The signal Re- 
publican victory in Maine gives us great hopes of electing 
Fremont in November, but I tell our friends not to be 
over-confident, as the Democratic party is a mighty pow- 
erful corporation, and the opposition to Buchanan is 
divided between Fremont and Fillmore. Also I fear that a 
good many pro-slavery Whigs will vote for Buchanan as 
the most certain means of defeating Fremont. And some 
others who can not be fairly called pro-slavery men will 
do the same thing on account of the bugbear of "Abolition- 
ism," which is being used against us because we are op- 
posing the extension of slavery. 

Springfield, September 19, 1856. — All that's left of 
our Whig party met in convention in Baltimore two or 
three days ago and "ratified" the nomination of Fillmore 
and Donelson. It is hard for me to see why Fillmore wants 



Campaign of 1856 25 

to make this race, as the only possible result will be the 
continuance of the Democratic party in power for four 
years more. But it may be that he prefers the election of 
Buchanan to that of Fremont. At any rate I predict that 
this will be the last Whig convention held in the United 
States, and that Fillmore will be the last "Know Nothing" 
candidate for President or any other important office. 

Springfield, September 25, 1856. — It has always been 
my rule not to sue my clients for legal services, even when 
they are able to pay ; but when the Illinois Central Rail- 
road Company refused to pay my fee of $2,000 for man- 
aging its case in the suit brought against it by the officials 
of McLean county on the ground that the amount was 

AS MUCH AS WOULD BE CHARGED BY A FIRST-CLASS LAWYER, 

I withdrew the bill and after increasing the amount to 
$5,000 recovered the same in court, finding no difficulty in 
satisfying the jury that my services were worth that sum 
to the company. But I don't want to get in the habit of 
sueing my clients, neither am I anxious to make myself 
rich in the service of railroads and other big corporations. 

Springfield, November 1, 1856. — Only three days 
until the presidential election. I have stumped the state 
very earnestly for Fremont and made a few speeches in 
Indiana and other states. The people everywhere are in- 
terested in the slavery question, but I can not feel very 
confident of our success this year. If Fremont is defeated 
it will seem a long time to wait for the campaign of i860; 
but whoever may be elected president this year, our cause 
will triumph in the end because it is right! 

The manv threats of disunion in case of Fremont's 
election do not alarm me, even if they are made in earnest ; 
for whatever choice the people make they will surely main- 
tain at any and every cost. 

Springfield, November 8, 1856. — Am greatly disap- 
pointed, but not greatly surprised at Buchanan's election. 
Fremont has carried all the free states except New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois and California, and while 
Buchanan has a plurality of about 500,000 over Fremont, 
he falls nearly 400,000 votes below the aggregate vote of 
Fremont and Fillmore. These facts give us the assurance 
that although we are defeated this year, our cause is not 



26 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

lost. In the language of St. Paul, "although we are cast 
down, we are not destroyed." 

Springfield, December i, 1856. — Governor Geary 
appears to be having the same trouble with the Missouri 
Border Ruffiians and with Pierce's administration that 
Reeder and Shannon had. Buchanan pledged himself to 
deal justly and fairly with all parties in Kansas and thereby 
secured the votes of many men who would never have 
voted for Pierce, but it will be hard for him to carry out 
such a policy without breaking with his southern friends 
to whom he owes his nomination and election. For what- 
ever may be his wish they want to make Kansas a slave 
state, and they are determined to do it. I am very re- 
luctant to pass judgment on Mr. Buchanan before he takes 
his seat as president, but my notion of his character gives 
me very little hope that he will pursue a different course 
from that which has been pursued by Pierce ever since 
the passage of the Nebraska bill. 



CHAPTER VI. 
The Dred Scott Decision. 



Springfield, March 5, 1857. — Like the inaugural of 
his predecessor, Buchanan's inaugural address congratu- 
lates the country on the end of anti-slavery agitation, the 
whole question having been settled by the repeal of the 
Missouri compromise, which act provides that the people 
of each territory may either prohibit or establish slavery 
as they prefer. Concerning the time at which the people 
may exercise this option he says, "This is a judicial ques- 
tion which legitimately belongs to the supreme court before 
whom it is now pending and will, it is understood, be 
speedily and finally (?) settled. To this decision, in com- 
mon with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, what- 
ever it may be." 

Evidently Mr. Buchanan has not only been informed 
that the supreme court will soon decide this Dred Scott 
case, but knows what its decision will be, else he would 
hardly be ready to pledge executive submission to its terms. 
Very clearly our Democratic president is not another 
Andrew Jackson. 



The Dred Scott Decision 27 

Springfield, March 8, 1857. — As if to fulfill the 
prophecy of Buchanan's inaugural, the Supreme Court on 
the 6th inst. rendered its decision, approved by five of its 
seven members, declaring that at the time of the adoption 
of the constitution and previous to that time the negro race 
were only recognized as property, and were not considered 
as having any rights that white men were bound to respect. 
Wherefore, said these five judges, Dred Scott had no right 
to bring a suit for his freedom in the courts of the United 
States, and his case must be dismissed. 

But after dismissing the suit for lack of jurisdiction, 
the court proceeded to assume jurisdiction by holding that 
Dred Scott did not secure any right to his freedom by being 
taken into the free territory of Minnesota, because the 
Missouri compromise which prohibited slavery in that ter- 
ritory was unconstitutional and void, Congress having no 
right under the constitution to prohibit slavery in any ter- 
ritory of the United States. In other words the court 
held that the constitution itself carried slavery into all 
the territories of the United States. 

If Douglas accepts this decision, he will certainly belie 
all he has ever claimed for his boasted doctrine of "popular 
sovereignty," and if this decision had been rendered before 
the election of last fall I doubt very much whether Buch- 
anan would have carried a single Northern state. 

Springfield, March 12, 1857. — History continues to 
repeat itself in Kansas. Governor Geary finding himself 
opposed, persecuted and insulted, and his life endangered 
by the pro-slavery party, has resigned his office and left 
the territory in disguise. 

President Buchanan's special friend, Robert J. Walker, 
of Mississippi, has been appointed his successor, with the 
distinct promise of Buchanan that the constitution to be 
adopted by the coming convention at Lecompton, shall be 
submitted to the people of the territory for their ratifica- 
tion or rejection. This promise may have been made to 
Walker in good faith; but if he is not sustained by the 
administration in his determination to secure a free and 
fair vote on this Lecompton constitution, he will surely 
follow his three predecessors into the "graveyard of Kansas 
Governors." 

Chicago, September 24, 1857. — I have derived no 



28 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

small satisfaction from my success in the case of Hurd 
and others against the Rock Island Railroad Bridge Com- 
pany, tried before Justice McLean, in this city. In trying 
this case I not only maintained that the Railroad Company 
had as good an abstract right to build and operate a bridge 
over the Mississippi river as the owners of steamboats 
have to run their crafts up and down its channels, but I 
realized that I was rendering a public service in maintain- 
ing that travel between the East and the West should be 
considered as vital and important as between the North 
and the South, especially so in view of the increase in 
wealth and population which the West has shown during 
the past few years. The practice of law would be much 
more agreeable and satisfactory to me if I could see that 
I was serving the public in every case that I represent in 
the courts ! 



CHAPTER VII. 
The Lecompton Constitution. 

Springfield, October 20, 1857. — The delegates to 
the Kansas constitutional convention who were elected by 
the pro-slavery party last June assembled in Lecompton 
yesterday and organized by choosing John Calhoun, under 
whom I once served as surveyor of Sangamon county, for 
their presiding officer. 

Springfield, November 20, 1857. — In the short space 
of three weeks the Lecompton convention framed and 
adopted a constitution for the state of Kansas — perhaps it 
would be more correct to say they copied one inspired and 
framed at Washington — and adjourned. But instead of 
submitting it to a vote of the people in accordance with 
the pledges of the administration, the people are only al- 
lowed to vote for the "Constitution with Slavery." or for 
the "Constitution without Slavery." And even if a ma- 
jority of the people should vote for the "Constitution with- 
out Slavery," they must submit to all the other odious 
provisions in which the constitution abounds, such as the 
article providing that the right of property in slaves now 
in the territory shall not be interfered with, and the article 
providing that no amendments shall be made to the con- 



The Lecompton Constitution 29 

stitution before the expiration of seven years. And as if 
to secure a majority vote for the "Constitution with 
Slavery," Calhoun has been given full power to establish 
the election precincts, to appoint the election judges, and 
to canvass the returns and declare the results of the election 
which is to be held on the 21st of December next. 

Springfield, December 15, 1857. — Finding himself 
wholly unsupported by the Administration in his efforts 
to secure an honest election in Kansas, Governor Walker 
has resigned his office and joined the procession of retiring 
Kansas governors. Acting Governor Stanton has called an 
extra session of the Free State Legislature, elected in 
October, to devise ways and means to prevent the forcing 
of the Lecompton Constitution on the people of Kansas. 
It will not be long, I predict, until Stanton, too, will go 
the way of his four predecessors either by resignation or 
removal. Very truly did Senator Seward, of New York, 
declare in a speech in the Senate the other day : "The 
ghosts on the banks of the Styx constitute a cloud scarcely 
more dense than the spirits of the departed governors of 
Kansas, wandering in exile and sorrow for having certi- 
fied the truth against falsehood in regard to the contest 
between freedom and slavery in Kansas." 

Springfield, January 15, 1858. — John Calhoun has 
as last counted the vote on the Lecompton Constitution 
as cast on the 21st of last December and announced the 
result : For the "Constitution with Slavery," 6,266 votes ; 
for the "Constitution without Slavery," 567 votes. The 
Free State men generally refrained from voting on the 
ground that the Lecompton convention and the legislature 
which authorized it were both illegal bodies. 

But at the election held on the 4th of this month, 
which was ordered by the Legislature elected last October, 
a majority of over 10,000 votes was cast against the con- 
stitution itself. And yet we may expect that the whole 
power of the Administration will be exercised to defeat 
this manifest will of the people and secure the admission 
of Kansas into the union as a slave state. 

Springfield, January 16, 1858. — Douglas appears to 
have placed himself in complete opposition to the Admin- 
istration on the Lecompton issue. He is reported to have 
had a recent "stormy interview" with Buchanan in the 



80 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

White House, during which the latter cautioned him to 
beware of the fate which overtook certain men who 
quarreled with the administration of General Jackson. 
"Let me remind you, Mr. President," Douglas is said to 
have replied, "that General Jackson is dead!" 

Springfield, February 3, 1858. — President Buchanan 
sent a special message to Congress yesterday urging the 
immediate admission of Kansas as a slave state under the 
Lecompton constitution, in which he had the hardihood to 
declare that "Kansas is at this moment as much a slave 
state as Georgia or South Carolina." 

And all this in face of the 10,000 majority which was 
given against this constitution on the 4th of January and 
in spite of the indignation which his Lecompton policy has 
aroused in all the northern states. I wonder if Mr. Buch- 
anan has ever asked himself what the verdict of history 
will be concerning his devotion to the slave power and the 
bad faith he has practiced toward the people of Kansas. 

Springfield, March 24, 1858. — After a fierce debate 
of several days the United States Senate yesterday passed 
/he bill admitting Kansas into the Union under the Le- 
compton constitution by a vote of 32 to 25, three Demo- 
crats, Douglas, of Illinois, Stuart, of Michigan, and 
Broderick, of California, voting with the Republicans in 
the negative. In the course of this debate Senator Ham- 
mond, of South Carolina, made a lengthy speech in which 
he represented the negro slaves as the "mudsills" on which 
Southern society rested and the free laborers of the North 
as the mudsills of Northern society. Such are the senti- 
ments which slavery breeds. 

In view of the Kansas policy of the Administration 
how weak and ludicrous seems the demand from many 
quarters that all anti-slavery agitation should cease be- 
cause slavery is only a "domestic institution" of the South. 

Springfield, April 1, 1858. — Ever since Douglas 
came out against the Lecompton policy of the Administra- 
tion he has been coquetting with certain Republican leaders 
in Washington with a view of securing their sympathy and 
support in his canvass for re-election to the Senate in 
Illinois this year. And I really fear that he is charming 
some of them away from their allegiance to the funda- 
mental principles of our party, notwithstanding his re- 



The Lecompton Constitntion 31 

peated declarations that he does not care whether slavery 
is voted up or down in Kansas ; hence I fear that in the 
canvass 1 expect to make against him, I may not have the 
support of many Republicans who 1 think ought to support 
me. But I will make the canvass at all events, and if I 
accomplish nothing more, I feel confident I can show the 
people that Douglas can never be trusted as a leader of 
our anti-slavery forces — and that he should never be 
elected President of the United States! 

Springfield, April 2, 1858. — The lower house of 
Congress yesterday disposed of the bill for admitting Kan- 
sas into the Union under the Lecompton constitution by 
adopting a substitute referring the whole question to the 
people of the territory under conditions that would secure 
a free and fair election. But as such an election is not 
what the friends of slavery desire, this substitute will 
hardly be accepted by the Senate. Although the Lecomp- 
ton constitution is dead, the fact that this substitute re- 
ceived a majority of only eight votes, makes me almost 
shudder to think by what a narrow margin Kansas has 
been saved from the curse of slavery forever and aye! 

Springfield. April 25, 1858. — Herndon has returned 
from the East and does not bring a very rosy account of 
Republican sentiment there in reference to my candidacy 
for the Senate, as so many prominent Republicans are in- 
clined to reward Douglas for his opposition to Lecompton 
and secure his support — vain hope! — in our further opposi- 
tion to the extension of slavery. But I am happy to know 
that there is no such a sentiment among the Republicans 
of Illinois, and therefore I shall enter on the canvass with 
a good deal of hope and confidence, notwithstanding Doug- 
las' popularity and plausibility and his facility in logic — I 
mean in his kind of logic. 

Springfield, May 1, 1858. — Instead of standing by 
its vote for referring the Lecompton constitution back to 
the people of Kansas, the House of Representatives on 
yesterday adopted the "English bill," which provides for 
a vote on the constitution and offers the state a large grant 
of public lands if it is adopted. But in case this bribe — 
for bribe it is — is rejected, Kansas is to be punished by 
keeping her out of the Union until she has the number 
of inhabitants required for a congressional representative 



32 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

in the various states, some ninety thousand. Was ever 
such a monstrosity submitted to the votes of free people? 
Springfield, June i, 1858. — As the time approaches 
for our state convention, which I except will declare me 
its choice for United States Senator, I realize more clearly 
what I have long thought, that this union of free states 
and slave states in one government can not permanently 
continue, and that slavery will either be extended over all 
the states and territories or they will all be free. And I 
want the people to understand me at the start, so that I 
can impress on their minds the serious nature of our con- 
test with Douglas and the Democratic party. I have never 
counted myself worthy of a place among the prophets of 
Israel ; but in this case I feel that the Almighty has given 
me a message that I must deliver to the people, whether 
they will hear or forbear. 

I have already commenced the preparation of the speech 
I expect to deliver before the convention and have sub- 
mitted the opening paragraph to a number of my friends. 
In this paragraph I quote the Scriptural text, "A house di- 
vided against itself can not stand," and then proceed to 
express my opinion that "this government of ours can not 
permanently endure, half slave and half free." All of them 
except Herndon (who avows that this declaration will 
make me President before I die) advise against such a 
radical position, as they fear I will be charged with 
"Abolitionism ;" but I tell them all that much as I desire 
a seat in the United States Senate I desire far more to 
make an effective campaign against the extension of slavery 
and to contribute in some measure to the election of a 
Republican President in i860. I also hope in my address 
to convince the people that whatever good Douglas has 
done — and I must concede that if he had not opposed the 
Administration, Kansas would now be one of the slave 
states in this Republic — he can not be depended on to 
help our cause in the future, as he declares himself wholly 
indifferent on the supreme issue of slavery extension. If 
maintaining these views does not make me Senator I do 
not want to be a Senator.; for I could never enjoy a seat 
in the Senate at the price of suppressing my views on this 
great question. In the days of my boyhood scarcely any- 
thing vexed me more than to hear people talk about things 



The Lecompton Constitution 33 

that I could not clearly understand ; and in my practice at 
the bar I have always taken pains to make courts and 
juries and witnesses understand the force and meaning of 
whatever I had to say, as well as to believe that I meant 
what I said. Still more in this canvass against the exten- 
sion of slavery do I want the people not only to believe 
that I mean what I say, but to understand my position and 
also my feelings and sentiments. 

Springfield, June 17, 1858. — At the Republican 
state convention to-day a resolution was unanimously 
adopted declaring that "Abraham Lincoln is the first and 
only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for United States 
Senator as the successor of Steven A. Douglas." 

At the evening session of the convention I delivered 
the address I had previously prepared to which they listened 
with as close attention as if they considered me an inspired 
oracle. And when at the close I declared that the result 
of our contest is not doubtful and that if we stand firm in 
our faith, sooner or later victory is sure to come, the 
faces of all the delegates and spectators seemed to say to 
me. "Lincoln, we believe you — we all believe you!" 

Chicago, July 10, 1858. — I made a rather lengthy 
speech in this city to-night, in reply to one made by Doug- 
las last night, in which I took especial pains to repel his 
charge that I was "resisting" the Dred Scott decision. On 
the contrary, I declared, and I hope I made clear the fact 
that I only refused to make that decision my rule of political 
action. I did avow, however, that we Republicans not only 
hoped to see that decision reversed, but we mean to re- 
verse it ! 

In reference to the Declaration of Independence I 
claimed that its principles of equality should ever be our 
ideal and standard, even if we could not carry that prin- 
ciple into full effect, even as we should ever obey the 
Scripture injunction to be perfect as our Father in heaven 
is perfect, although as finite beings we cannot hope to at- 
tain complete moral perfection any more than we can hope 
for complete physical or mental perfection. 

Springfield, July 30, 1858. — Douglas has accepted 
my challenge — none too willingly, as I believe — to a joint 
discussion of the issues in the campaign before the people 
3 



34 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of the state. He proposes that we hold one debate in each 
of the seven congressional districts of the state in which 
we have not already spoken, namely, at Ottowa, August 21 ; 
at Freeport, August 27; at Jonesboro, September 15; at 
Charleston, September 18; at Galesburg, October 7; at 
Quincy, October 13; at Alton, October 15. I have accord- 
ingly written him a note accepting his "terms" without ask- 
ing any modification of them. 

Springfield, August 5, 1858. — The people of Kan- 
sas have again placed their seal of condemnation — shall I 
say their seal of damnation? — on the Lecompton constitu- 
tion, voting it down for a second time by over ten thousand 
majority and most emphatically rejecting the English bribe. 
For which action I presume Kansas will have to remain 
a territory during the pleasure of the present Congress. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
The "Freeport Heresy." 



Springfield, August 6, 1858. — Some of my friends, 
well knowing Judge Douglas' facility in debate and the 
many shirks and quirks to which he resorts in order to 
carry the crowd with him, have expressed to me their ap- 
prehensions in reference to my success in coping with him 
before the great crowds who will want to hear us. To all 
such I have generally replied by quoting from Shakespeare : 

"Thrice armed is he who knows his cause is just." 

And to one of my particular friends whom I met on 
the street to-day I replied by reminding him that when two 
men are about to fight each other, it is not the fellow who 
brags and bluffs and blusters and jumps in the air and 
cracks his heels together and wastes his breath in trying 
to scare his opponent who is going to whip, but rather the 
one who says not a word and keeps his fists doubled up 
and his teeth closed together and saves his breath for the 
contest. This fellow, I said, will either win the fight or 
die a-trying. 

Ottawa, Ills., August 21. — My first debate with 
Douglas took place here to-day before a very large audience 
of both Republicans and Democrats. I expected that be- 
tween us we would draw a large crowd, but I was greatly 



The " Freeport Heresy" 85 



surprised to see so many people from both this and ad- 
joining counties. As I expected, Douglas quoted from my 
address before the State Convention to prove me an 
Abolitionist and a believer in Negro equality, to which I 
replied in very explicit terms that I did not propose any 
interference with the institution of slavery where it now 
exists, and that I did not favor the social and political 
equality of the black and white races, and I took occasion 
to remark that by his (Douglas') method of argument and 
cunning use of words on this and other points any one 
could easily prove that a horse-chestnut is a chestnut-horse. 

He propounded a number of questions to me concern- 
ing my position on the repeal of the fugitive slave law, the 
admission of any more slave states and some other points, 
my only reply at the time being that I would not permit 
him to chatechise me unless he would let me catechise him ; 
but I have already framed my replies and also a few ques- 
tions which I will propound to him at Freeport, where we 
are to have our next debate, the most important of which 
will be this, "Can the people of a United States territory 
in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the 
United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to 
the adoption of a state constitution ?" When he hears this 
question from me I feel certain he will see that asking 
questions is a game that two can play at. 

My object in this query is to compel Douglas to define 
himself in explicit terms on the Dred Scott decision and to 
show the people by his answer that it can not be reconciled 
with his popular sovereignty doctrine. If he answers that 
the people have no such right, he will lose a large portion 
of his following in Illinois and the other northern states, and 
if he answers that they have such a right, or even fails to 
deny that they have, he will forfeit all hope of Southern 
support in his canvass for the Presidency. Several of my 
friends advise me not to put this question to Douglas, 
claiming that he will be skillful and adroit enough to answer 
it in such a manner as to retain his hold on the people of 
Illinois and secure his re-election to the Senate, but I have 
told them I am more anxious to destroy his chances for the 
Presidency and prepare the way for Republican success in 
i860 than I am to gain the seat in the Senate to which I 
have so long aspired but never attained. In reference to 



36 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

my desire to go to the Senate I likened myself to the honest 
Hoosier who reckoned there was no man in Indiana fonder 
of gingerbread than he was and got less of it. 

Freeport, Ills., August 27, 1858. — After answering 
the queries put to me by Douglas at Ottawa, I propounded 
mine to him at this place today. In reply to my question 
concerning the right of the people of any territory to 
exclude the institution of slavery from their limits before 
the formation of a state constitution, he answered with the 
strange assertion, that even if the Supreme Court should 
decide that the Constitution carries slavery into the terri- 
tories, the people of any territory may prevent its intro- 
duction by "unfriendly legislation," which is equivalent to 
saying that the people of a territory have the constitutional 
right to prohibit the existence of an institution where it 
has a constitutional right to exist ! And still Douglas pro- 
fesses the highest respect for the courts and the constitution. 
It requires no gift of prophecy to tell how this answer of 
Douglas will be received in the Southern states. In all the 
rest of our debates I will have him on the defensive; and 
even if he defeats me for Senator, so far as the Presidency 
is concerned, he is a doomed man from this day forth ! 

Springfield, September 6, 1858. — There is no mis- 
taking the temper of the South in reference to Douglas' 
position concerning the right of the inhabitants of a terri- 
tory to exclude slavery from their limits by "unfriendly 
legislation." The Southen press almost without exception 
brand it as the "Freeport heresy" and declare that in no 
case will the South support Douglas for President in i860. 
They even charge him with bad faith in repudiating his 
caucus agreement to accept the decision of the Supreme 
Court on this question as a finality. Douglas' answer to 
my query has also revealed the fact more clearly to the 
Northern people that the Dred Scott decision which 
he claims to support and denounces me for opposing, 
effectually disposes of his boasted "popular sovereignty," 
as the two are wholly irreconcilable. Hence what- 
ever efforts he may make to reconcile the dictum of 
the Supreme Court with his boasted doctrine, he will only 
flounder in the mire of inconsistency and contradiction, and 
will find the Presidency the farther removed from his eyes 
the more he strives to reach it ! 



The " Freeport Heresy" 37 

Alton, Ills., October 15, 1858. — The last of our seven 
debates occurred here to-day, and although our arguments 
were to some extent a repetition of those used in the pre- 
vious debates, I was so possessed with a sense of the serious 
issue we were discussing that I waxed very warm, if not 
very eloquent, in my speech of an hour and a half ; and I 
almost flattered myself that I made some of Douglas' sup- 
porters realize the inconsistency and absurdity of his 
answer to my query concerning the right of the people of 
a territory to exclude slavery from its limits before they 
form a state constitution. In these debates with Douglas 
as well as in my other speeches this year, I have almost 
fancied that I could hear an echo of approval not only from 
all parts of Illinois but from all the other northern states ; 
and several nights during the campaign I have dreamed that 
I saw my mother standing beside my bed and heard her 
say to me : "Abe, you are doing well, you are doing well !" 
Whether I gain the Senatorship or not, I really believe I 
have made some marks that will tell for the cause of free- 
dom after I am dead. 

Bloomington, Nov. i, 1858. — While attending court 
here to-day, I was met on the street by a special friend 
who told me that during his recent travels in the East as 
well as in Ohio, Michigan and Indiana he was everywhere 
met with the inquiry, "Who is this Lincoln that is holding 
those debates with Douglas in Illinois?" and that he had 
told them all we had two giants in Illinois, Douglas being 
the "little giant" and Lincoln the big one. Then he urged me 
to become a candidate for President, but I promptly replied 
that there was no such luck as the Presidency in store for 
me, and that it would be no use to seek the Republican 
nomination against Seward and Chase and other men so 
much better known that I am. And yet I can not get rid of 
the feeling that in this great conflict against slavery I will 
have some very important part to play. God only knows 
what it will be. 

Springfield, November 2, 1858. — "Long John Went- 
worth's" paper, the Chicago Democrat, has published an 
editorial speaking in very complimentary terms of my 
speeches in this campaign and urging my nomination for 
President in i860; but as I don't think I could possibly 



38 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

secure the nomination for President, I apprehend no ser- 
ious results from Long John's mention of my name. 

But I must confess that I feel greatly pleased with 
what he says of my speeches. "They will be recognized," 
his editorial declares, "for a long time to come as a standard 
authority on those topics which overshadow all others in 
the political world of our day ; and our children will appre- 
ciate the great truths which they so forcibly illustrate with 
a higher appreciation of their worth than their fathers 
possessed while listening to them." If this generous pre- 
diction should be even partially fulfilled, what more could 
I ask or desire? 

Springfield, Ills., November 10, 1858. — Our election 
is over; and on account of the unfair legislative apportion- 
ment and the Democratic "holdovers" in the State Senate, 
Douglas will have a majority of eight over me in the Legis- 
lature, although we have elected our State ticket and there 
is a majority of some 4,000 of the popular vote for legis- 
lative candidates in my favor. As I have expressed myself 
to my friends, "my defeat hurts too bad to laugh, and I am 
too big to cry," but although I may sink out of view and be 
forgotten, the fight against slavery extension will go on 
until victory is secured. My 4,000 majority of the popular 
vote gives me pretty positive assurance that my canvass 
has made Illinois a Republican state, and that its electoral 
vote will be cast for the Republican candidate for President 
in i860, whoever he may be. 

Springfield, November 19, 1858. — I have just written 
a letter to a special friend in the southern part of the state, 
stating that the fight against slavery extension must go on 
and must not be given up even at the end of a hundred 
defeats. Douglas' cunning and ingenuity secured for him 
the support of those who wanted to uphold the slave inter- 
est and of some who wanted to break it down ; but these 
antagonistic elements can not be kept in harmony much 
longer — another explosion will soon come, God only knows 
how soon. 

Springfield, December 1. 1858. — In addition to the 
fact that a majority of Illinois voters have expressed their 
preference for me over Douglas for United States Senator, 
it gives me great satisfaction to know that my speeches 
during the campaign have secured so much attention from 



"The Irrepressible Conflict" 39 

other states. I am simply overloaded with congratulations 
and invitations to lecture and speak in other states that have 
elections in 1859. It is hard for me to decline so many 
invitations, but I have lost so much time from my legal 
practice that I must return to it for the support of my 
family and the repairing of my finances. 

Springfield, December 10, 1858. — Douglas has lost 
his hold on the South by his opposition to the Lecompton 
Constitution and his "Freeport heresy" as surely as he lost 
his hold on the North by his Nebraska bill and his support 
of the Dred Scott decision ; for the Democratic Senatorial 
caucus has deposed him from his position as chairman of 
the committee on territories and seem determined to read 
him out of the party altogether. All in vain, therefore, 
will be his present trip to the South and his efforts to re- 
cover his lost prestige. His speeches in favor of the an- 
nexation of Cuba and part of Mexico savor very strongly 
of a positive interest in the extension of slavery — but the 
South will have xoxe of him, as he will surelv find to 
be the case when the next national Democratic Convention 
is held. 



CHAPTER IX. 

"The Irrepressible Conflict/' 

Sprixgfield, December 2, 1858. — I have been very 
much interested in reading Senator Seward's recent speech 
at Rochester, New York, in which he declared that the 
antagonism between free labor and slave labor is "an 
irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring 
forces,'' and that "the United States will sooner or later 
become an entirely free nation or an entirely slave nation. 
"Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and 
the sugar plantations of Louisiana," he prophesies, "will 
ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New 
Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, 
or else the rye-fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and 
New York must be surrendered by their farmers to slave 
culture and the production of slaves, and Boston and New 
York become once more markets for trade in the bodies 
and souls of men." This declaration (which I can not but 
note is substantially the same that I expressed in my Spring- 



40 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

field address when I declared that this government could 
not permanently endure half slave and half free) I con- 
sider as true a prophecy as any to be found in Holy Writ, 
although I do not expect to see its fulfillment in my own 
time. But who can tell what the remaining years of my 
life may bring forth? 

Springfield, April 6, 1859. — I have been favored 
with an invitation to give an address at a festival in Boston 
in honor of Jefferson's birthday, which I have had to 
decline on account of professional engagements. In my 
letter of declination I have recalled the story of two 
drunken men who fought each other until the contest ended 
with no other result than that each one had fought himself 
out of his own coat and into that of the other fellow! This 
result I likened to the fact that the Democratic party, al- 
though claiming to be the party of Jefferson, has forsaken 
his principles — which are the definitions and axioms 
of free society — and holds that the liberty of one man is 
as nothing in comparison with another man's rights of 
property, while we Republicans are for both the man and 
the dollar, but in case of conflict, we are now, and I trust 
always will be, for the man before the dollar. 

Columbus, Ohio, September 16, 1859. — The invita- 
tion to speak in this city in behalf of the Republican state 
ticket was so gracious and urgent that I could not refuse 
it. I devoted most of my time to answering Douglas' 
recent article on "Popular Sovereignty" in Harper's Maga- 
zine. In the course of my remarks I asserted that this 
doctrine simply means that if one man wants to make a 
slave of another man, neither that other man nor any one 
else has a right to object. This seemed like a new definition 
to most of the audience ; but it was very plain to me that 
they appreciated the pith and point of my statement. 

Cincinnati, Ohio, September 17, 1859. — From Co- 
lumbus to this city I came today and gave an address to- 
night. As Douglas has accused me of "shooting over the 
line" and attacking the institution of slavery where it now 
exists, in part of my speech I assumed that I was addressing 
Kentuckians across the Ohio river. To this imaginary 
audience I declared that slavery is wrong, morally, socially 
and politically, and that while we had no desire to interfere 
with it where it now exists, we were determined to resist 



Campaign of i860 41 

its extension into the territories by either Congress or the 
courts; for the people, I maintained, are the masters of 
both Congress and the courts, not for the purpose of over- 
throwing the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who 
miscontrue and pervert the Constitution. My visit to Ohio 
has given me great pleasure and increased my confidence 
in Republican success in next year's campaign. I was par- 
ticularly gratified to make the acquaintance of Governor 
Chase, for I consider him, as his looks indicate, an exceed- 
ingly able man, and one capable of rendering great 

SERVICE TO HIS COUNTRY IN ANY EMERGENCY. I COllld ask 

no clearer proof that my debates with Douglas have been a 
great service to the anti-slavery cause than the fact that 
the Ohio Committee have asked me to furnish a complete 
report of the same, which they desire to print and circulate 
in aid of the Presidential ticket next year. I very cheer- 
fully promised compliance with this request. 

Milwaukee. Wis., September 30, 1859. — I gave an 
address before the State Agricultural Society of this place 
to-day, in which I urged that efforts should be made to 
increase the productivity of the soil by more scientific culti- 
vation, declaring that under the system of free labor educa- 
tion and industry should ever go hand in hand in develop- 
ing our resources, and closed with the hope "that by the 
wisest and best cultivation of the physical world around us 
and the moral world within us, we shall secure an 
individual, social and political prosperity and happiness, 
which shall be onward and upward, and which, while the 
earth endures shall not pass awav." 



CHAPTER X. 

Campaign of i860. — "The End of the Power of Slavery 
in the United States." 

Springfield, January 1, i860. — Notwithstanding all 
my protests that I am not a proper candidate for President, 
and that I could not hope to obtain the nomination a con- 
siderable number of Illinois Republicans met here in Spring- 
field and formally requested me to enter the lists ; and I 
have finally got it into my head that I would like to be 
President myself just as I got it into my head in 1854 
that I wanted to be a United States Senator, and haven't 



42 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

got it out of my head for a single day since ! So I have 
acceded to the request of my friends and, at their request, 
have furnished them the following brief sketch of my life 
for circulation that the people may learn (if they can from 
so short a story) what sort of a man I am : 

"I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin Co., Ky. 
My mother who died in my tender years was of a family 
named Hanks. My paternal grandfather emigrated from 
Virginia to Kentucky about 1781, where a year or two later 
he was killed by an Indian while laboring in the forest. 
My father who was only six or seven years of age at that 
time grew up without any education worth mentioning. 
He moved from Kentucky to Spencer County. Indiana, in 
my eighth year. We reached our new home about the time 
Indiana was admitted into the Union. It was a wild region 
with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods, 
and there I grew up. There were some schools, but no 
qualification was required of any teacher beyond 'readin', 
writin' and cipherin' to the rule of three.' If a straggler 
supposed to understand Latin came into the neighborhood 
he was looked on as a wizard. Of course, when I became 
of age I didn't know much ; I could read, write and cipher 
to the rule of three, but that was all, and I have not been 
to school since. The little 1 have added to this store I 
have picked up from time to time under pressure of neces- 
sity. I was raised to farm work at which I continued until 
I was twenty-two years old. At the age of twenty-one I 
came to Macon County, Illinois. Then I got to New 
Salem in Sangamon County, where I remained a year or 
two as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black 
Hawk war, and I was chosen Captain of a volunteer com- 
pany, a success which gave me more pleasure than any since. 
I served my time in that campaign, and ran for the Legis- 
lature the same year (1832). Was beaten, the only time I 
have ever been beaten by the people, except for presidential 
elector. At the next election and for three succeeding 
elections I came out ahead, so that I was a member of 
the Illinois Legislature for four full terms. During this 
period I studied law and removed to Springfield to practice 
it. In 1846 I was elected to the lower house of Congress, 
but was not a candidate for re-election in 1848. From 1849 
to 1854 I practiced law more assiduously than ever before. 



Campaign of i860 43 

I was always a Whig in politics and was generally on the 
Whig electoral ticket, but never elected anybody President. 
I was losing interest in politics until the repeal of the Mis- 
souri compromise aroused me again. What I have done 
since that time is pretty well known. 

"If any personal description of me is desired, it may be 
said that I am nearly six feet and four inches in height — 
lean in flesh, weighing on an average 180 pounds — dark 
complexion — coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other 
marks or brands recollected." 

If this sketch conjures up any support for me, I guess 
neither the Constitution nor the statutes made in pursuance 
thereof will be violated. 

New York City, February 28, i860. — I was very much 
gratified to meet so large an audience at Cooper Institute 
last night. Instead of taking a text from the Bible or the 
Constitution I took Douglas' recent declaration that "Our 
fathers, when they framed the government, understood this 
question of slavery in the territories as well and even better 
than we do." I then proceeded to show by the opinions and 
votes of thirty-nine of the men who signed the Constitution 
that they recognized the right of Congress to prohibit slavery 
in the territories, hoping thereby to secure its ultimate 
extinction. 

I was also grateful this morning to see my address 
published in the four daily papers of the city. A very few 
persons have expressed the opinion to me that my address 
will promote my chances for the presidential nomination ; 
but I do not indulge any great expectations of Eastern sup- 
port. People are not apt to conclude that any gift of speechi- 
fying that I may possess proves my fitness for the Presi- 
dency or makes me more "available" candidate than the 
other candidates. Still my Illinois friends are working very 
hard and seem determined to secure my nomination or 
perish in the effort. 

Springfield, April 25, i860. — I have given more or 
less thought to my chances for the presidential nomination, 
but can not figure the thing out. Seward will be in the 
lead with New York and the northwestern states and part 
of New England. Chase will have most of the Ohio dele- 
gation and some scattering votes. Banks will have Massa- 
chusetts and part of other New England states. Cameron 



44 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

will have Pennsylvania, while I can only count on Illinois 
and Indiana. My friends tell me, however, they hope to 
convince a majority of the delegates that I am the most 
"available" man on the list, for the doubtful states of New 
Jersey, Illinois, Indiana and Pennsylvania. If they can 
succeed in doing this, they claim my nomination is a cer- 
tainty. But they all understand that I will make no promises 
or pledges and will be bound by none that may be made in 
my behalf. 

Springfield, May 4, i860. — Very naturally I have been 
much interested in the reports from the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention, which assembled at Charleston, South 
Carolina, on the 23rd of April, and after a stormy session 
of ten days adjourned — rather "broke up" — to meet in 
Baltimore, Md., on the 18th of next month. As I have 
predicted ever since our Freeport debate, the South would 
have none of Douglas Or his popular sovereignty. 

The committee on resolutions were unable to agree, 
and after three days' discussion presented a majority and a 
minority report. Both of these reports reaffirmed the Cin- 
cinnati platform and declared for the execution of the 
fugitive slave law and the acquisition of Cuba ; but the 
majority report was very explicit in asserting the right of 
slaveholders to take their "property" (slaves) into the 
territories and the duty of Congress to protect them in 
that right until the inhabitants of a territory form a state 
consitution and are admitted into the Union, while the 
minority report declared that in view of the differences of 
opinion concerning the powers of Congress over slavery in 
the territories the party would abide by the decision of the 
Supreme Court on this question, thus making both Congress 
and the Executive subservient to the Supreme Court. Well 
has somebody said that "such a declaration is enough to 
make the bones of old Jackson rattle in his coffin !" And 
since the Supreme Court declared in the Dred Scott case 
that Congress had no constitutional right to prohibit slavery 
in the territories, how little real difference there is in the 
two proposed platforms after all ! 

During the debates on these two reports, in reply to 
the demands of the Southern delegates that Northern Demo- 
crats should give up their position that slavery is wrong 
and accept the majority report, Senator Pugh, of Ohio, 



Campaign of i860 45 

declared that after all the concessions the northern Demo- 
cracy had heretofore made to the South, they were now 
asked to lay their hands on their months and place their 
mouths in the dust. "Gentlement of the South," he said, 
"you mistake us — we will not do it!" 

On the seventh day of the Convention the minority 
report was adopted by a vote of 165 to 138, and then the 
delegations from the cotton states withdrew from the con- 
vention. After two or three days were spent in balloting 
for a candidate and failing to make a nomination under 
the two-thirds rule, the Convention adjourned to meet in 
Baltimore, Md., on the 18th of June. The Southern dele- 
gates also assembled in another hall and adjourned to meet 
in Richmond, Ya., on the nth of June. 

Decatur, Ills., May 10, i860. — At the Republican 
State Convention held here to-day my cousin, Dennis Hanks, 
brought into the hall a couple of weather beaten fence 
rails decorated with flags and streamers — also a banner 
bearing the inscription "Abraham Lincoln, the rail candi- 
date for President in i860 — two rails from a lot made by 
Thomas Hanks and Abe Lincoln in 1830." In response to 
loud calls I rose and merely said that I didn't know whether 
I made those rails or not, but I had made a great many just 
as good. 

Soon after John M. Palmer, who was one of the 
Democratic members of the Legislature that refused to sup- 
port me for senator in the winter of 1854-5, introduced a 
resolution which was adopted unanimously, declaring me 
the choice of Illinois Republicans for President and in- 
structing the delegation to the National Convention to vote 
for me as a unit. In presenting his resolution Palmer was 
generous enough to state to the Convention that he wanted 
"to pay Lincoln back" for withdrawing from the Senatorial 
race in 1855 in favor of Trumbull. 

Sprixgfield, May n, i860. — The newspapers inform 
us that the remnant of the "Know Nothing" party (now 
calling itself the "Constitutional Union" party) held its 
convention in Baltimore day before yesterday and nomi- 
nated Ex-Senator John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, 
and the distinguished Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, 
for Vice-President. Their platform declares that they 
"recognize no political principle other than the Constitution 



46 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of the country, the Union of the States and the enforcement 
of the laws;" but they signally fail to note the fact that 
the constitution and the Union and the laws of the nation 
are mortally menaced by the efforts that are being made 
to extend the institution of slavery and prepare the way for 
the re-opening of the African slave trade. 

Springfield, May 18, i860. — The telegraphic wires in- 
formed the country this afternoon that, amid loud cheers 
and booming of many cannon, I was nominated for Presi- 
dent at Chicago on the third ballot, and that on motion of 
William M. Evarts, chairman of the New York delegation, 
my nomination was made unanimous. Such a mark of con- 
fidence makes me feel very grateful to the Republican party, 
and I wish at the same time that the people all knew what 
a deep and even painful sense of duty and responsibility I 
feel. During the canvass of 1858 against Douglas I was 
all the time oppressed w\th the uncertainty of the result ; 
but this year all signs point to the certainty of our suc- 
cess. In the present condition of the country the office of 
President will be no bed of roses ; and I will need all the 
wit and wisdom which I am capable of exercising to make 
my administration successful and acceptable to the people. 
And God helping me, that is what I will always try to do. 
The platform adopted by the convention formally in- 
dorses the Declaration of Independence, which has always 
been my political gospel, condemns the doctrine that the 
Constitution carries slavery into the territories, declares 
freedom, not slavery, to be the normal condition of our ter- 
ritories, denies the authority of Congress or a territorial 
Legislature to establish slavery in the territories, denounces 
all attempts to reopen the African slave trade and demands 
the immediate admission of Kansas into the Union as a 
free state. 

Although I only know Senator Hamlin, of Maine, who 
was nominated for Vice President, by reputation, I feel 
honored by having so true and able a man as a colleague on 
the ticket, and I do not believe I could improve the plat- 
form in any respect. The platform "plows around" the 
tariff question somewhat by recognizing the need of import 
duties for purposes of revenue, but it also declares in favor 
of adjuusting these duties in such a manner as to encourage 
the development of the industrial interests of the country. 



Campaign of I860 47 

This plank of the platform, I am politician enough to be- 
lieve, will secure us the vote of Pennsylvania without 
alienating anti-slavery men who are inclined to a strictly 
revenue tariff. 

Springfield, May 19, i860. — The delegation appointed 
by the Convention to "notify" me of my nomination 
reached Springfield today. As most of them had never seen 
me before and as my nomination was a disappointment to 
several of them, I could not help noticing how eagerly and 
curiously they eyed me from head to foot, taking note of my 
height, my dark complexion, my high cheek-bones, the 
seams and lines in my face and even the size of my hands 
and feet and the length of my arms and legs. I did not at- 
tempt a set speech, merely expressing my appreciation of 
the high honor conferred upon me and the hope that I would 
not prove unworthy of the people's confidence. 

I relieved the formality and ceremony of the occasion 
somewhat by asking Judge Kelley, of Pennsylvania, the 
tallest man in the party, what height he measured. "Six 
feet, three inches," he said, and when I told him my height 
was six feet four inches he answered very graciously, "Then 
Pennsylvania must bow to Illinois." 

Springfield, May 22, i860. — Among many other let- 
ters I have received since the Chicago Convention is one 
from the veteran abolitionist Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, 
who informs me that although he did nothing to secure my 
nomination, whenever he is asked his opinion of me he re- 
plies by saying that I am an honest man, and that all he 
asks of my administration is to make good that opinion. 

Springfield, May 23, i860. — I have just completed 
my letter of acceptance. Taking it for granted that my 
views on the issues of the campaign are pretty well known, 
I have contented myself with approving the platform 
adopted by the Convention, and declaring that with the as- 
sistance of Divine Providence (which I realize that I shall 
need more than any of my predecessors), I should ever 
recognize the rights of all the states and territories, and 
should ever labor for the harmony, prosperity and per- 
petual union of all the people. Before mailing my letter 
I submitted it to our State School Superintendent to see if 
the grammar was all "O. K. ;" and the only correction he 
made was a change in the order of the words in the phrase, 



48 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

"to not violate" so it would read ''not to violate," ^ he 
said it was contrary to the constitution and laws of gram- 
mar "to split an infinitive." He did not claim, however, 
that it was as great a transgression to split an infinitive as 
it would be to split this Union of ours ! 

Springfield, June 15, i860. — The seceders from the 
Charleston Convention met in Richmond on the nth inst. 
and after due deliberation voted to adjourn and apply for 
readmission to the Convention at Baltimore on the 18th 
inst., evidently with the hope of securing the adoption of 
their platform and the nomination of some candidate other 
than Douglas. 

Springfield, June 25, i860. — The Democratic National 
Convention — more properly its two sectional conventions 
— reassembled in Baltimore on the 18th inst., and after five 
days' wrangling over the readmission of the delegates who 
withdrew at Charleston, "broke up" again, the seceders 
from the cotton states being reinforced by the delegates 
from the other slave states and from California. Wl it 
was then left of the Convention proceeded to nominate 
Douglas for President, the seceders meeting in another hall 
and nominating Vice President Breckenridge. 

Springfield, June 28, i860. — Although my nomination 
was a great surprise to many Republicans and a positive 
shock to some, the general sentiment of the party through- 
out the northern states as revealed in the newspapers is very 
generous. As far as I can judge the disposition of all Re- 
publicans is to give me their fullest confidence ; so I am 
neither disturbed nor displeased by the numerous inquiries 
that come to my acquaintances throughout the state con- 
cerning my previous record, my mode of life and the man- 
ner of man I am. I am also visited by reporters of various 
papers, most of whom show a disposition to secure "data," 
on which they can assure the public that I am not as raw a 
backwoodsman as many people have been led to believe. 

Springfield, July 4, i860. — On this national birthday 
I have spent some little time pondering the fact that the 
four candidates for President are unanimous in their pro- 
fessions of devotion to the Union and are alike emphatic in 
their pledges for its maintenance. 

I could not make my pledge any stronger than it is in 
my letter of acceptance. Douglas says in his letter, "The 



Campaign of i860 49 

Urv~n must be preserved, and the Constitution must be 
maintained inviolate in all its parts." Breckinridge says in 
his letter, "The Constitution and the equality of the states, 
these are the symbols of everlasting Union. Bell says, "If 
elected, all my ability, strength of will and official influence 
will be employed for the maintenance of the Union and Con- 
stitution against all opposing influences and tendencies." 

But on the vital issue of this campaign I stand alone 
and apart from all three of my rivals in everlasting opposi- 
tion to the extension and nationalization of slavery — so help 
me, Almighty God ! 

Springfield, July 6, i860. — Kansas has been denied a 
voice in the election of this year, the U. S. Senate having 
refused to take up the House bill for her admission into 
the Union under the Wyandotte constitution — but justice 
will prevail in the end, as surely as the Lord liveth ! 

Springfield, July 10, i860. — Nearly every day I re- 
ceive one or more calls from Republican supporters, most of 
\ horn seem merely desirous of taking a look at me and 
shaking hands with a Presidential candidate, but some are 
very free with advice in reference to the campaign and the 
course of my administration after I become President, 
which I always receive in a friendly spirit, whether I con- 
sider it of any value or not. To those who seek an ex- 
pression of my particular views I generally respond by re- 
ferring them to the Chicago platform and to my debates 
with Douglas and my other speeches. 

I have made up my mind to remain in Springfield 
during the campaign and to be "at home" to all visitors 
whatsoever, whether they are Jew or Gentiles, saints or 
sinners, Republicans or Democrats ; and I expect to show 
due courtesy and respect to all who want to pay their "re- 
spects" to the Republican candidate for President, whether 
they are my supporters or not. 

Springfield, August 8, i860. — Such a Republican rally 
as we had in Springfield to-day can not be other than a sure 
prophecy of victory in November. The people and "Wide 
Awake Clubs" came from all parts of the state, the pro- 
cession that passed my residence being several miles in 
length. 

I am receiving occasional letters from Kentucky and 
4 



50 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

other border slave states written by persons who beg me to 
publish some assurance that I am not an Abolitionist anc 
do not expect to interfere with slavery where it now exists 
to all which I reply that I have published such a declaratior 
again and again, and that if people do not believe what 3 
have already said, they will not believe it if I should say ii 
a hundred times over. In the language of Scripture, "If 
they believe not Moses and the prophets, neither will the) 
be persuaded, though one arose from the dead !" 

Springfield, III., October 15, i860. — The recent elec- 
tions in Ohio, Indiana and Pennsylvania all went Republican 
by handsome majorities, Plenry S. Lane being elected Gov- 
ernor of Indiana by some 10,000 majority, and Andrew G. 
Curtin Governor of Pennsylvania by some 30,000. These 
victories added to those obtained in Maine and Vermont in 
September indicate rav election "beyond a reasonable 
doubt." 

During the campaign I have had a number of hazy 
dreams concerning a secession movement in South Caro- 
lina and other Southern States, in which I thought I heard 
some very loud declamation from "Southern fire-eaters" 
and saw some military preparations ; but I have too much 
faith in the patriotism of both the Northern and the South- 
ern people to believe that any serious efforts will be made 
to dissolve the Union merely on account of my election. 
I But what mean such ugly dreams ? 

Springfield, November 1, i860. — Senator Seward, of 
New York, has returned form his speaking tour in the 
Northwestern states, and at his home city of Auburn de- 
livered an address, in which he made the very significant 
declaration, that my election would be "the end of the power 
of slavery in the United States." Heaven grant that his 
prophecy may prove true. 

Springfield, November 6, i860. — I stayed at the tele- 
graph office to-night until the election returns showed that 
I had carried all the free states, with the possible exception 
of New Jersey, California and Oregon, which result gives 
me a clear majority of the electoral college. 

Of course I rejoice over the result — who wouldn't re- 
joice in my place? — but it is a very serious reflection with 
me, that not a single state south of Mason and Dixon's line 
gave me an electoral vote, and that in the ten states of 



''The End of the Power of Slavery" 51 

North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Miss- 
issippi, Tennessee, Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida and Texas, 
I did not receive a single popular vote, there being no Re- 
publican electoral ticket in those States. Still I hope that 
by the grace of God I will prove myself the true friend 
and faithful servant of all the people, both North and 
South, as truly as Washington was. 

Before leaving the telegraph office I made up my mind, 
that it would be a wise policy to invite my rivals for the 
Republican nomination, Seward, Chase and Bates, and per- 
haps Cameron, into my Cabinet ; and I believe the people 
will approve such a selection. 

Springfield, November 7, i860. — At the very height 
of our rejoicing over the result of the election comes very 
ominous news from South Carolina. Governor Gist called a 
special session of the Legislature on the 5th inst. to choose 
Presidential electors in accordance with the laws of the 
state, recommending that in case of my election a Conven- 
tion be called to consider the proper means of redress and 
giving his opinion that secession is the only alternative left. 
He also recommended a reorganization of the State militia 
and the acceptance of ten thousand volunteers for such 
service as may be necessary. It is very hard for me to be- 
lieve that even the people of that state can be led into seces- 
sion and rebellion before my inauguration and without any 
unfriendly act on the part of my administration — but what 
am I to think of these plain facts? 

Springfield, November 10, i860. — The returns from 
the election are all in, and I have carried the doubtful states 
of Oregon and California, and I will have three of New 
Jersey's seven electoral votes, which will give me 180 elec- 
toral votes in all, a majority of 57 over all others. Breck- 
enridge will have 72 electoral votes, Bell 39, and Douglas 
only 12, three from New Jersey and nine from Missouri. 
But Douglas has twice as many popular votes as Bell and 
nearly twice as many as Breckinridge. While I have nearly 
half a million more popular votes than Douglas, the three 
other candidates have an aggregate of nearly a million ma- 
jority over me; so I will be only a plurality President on 
the popular vote. 



52 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

CHAPTER XL 

Secession — Secession — Secession ! 

Springfield, Nov. 13, i860. — The news from South 
Carolina grows worse instead of better. Yesterday the Leg- 
islature passed a bill providing for a convention to meet on 
December 17th, the delegates to be chosen on the 6th of 
that month, all with the avowed purpose of secession. I 
am very relucant to think that other states will join in such 
a movement ; but on the other hand, I have my fears and 
misgivings, that there is a secret understanding between 
South Carolina and other Southern states, else she would 
not be taking such precipitate action. 

Springfield, November 15, i860. — In a speech in re- 
sponse to a serenade from my neighbors and fellow citizens 
to-night I gave them my hearty thanks for their support 
and their interest in the Republican cause and expressed 
the hope that there would be no hard feelings toward any 
of our opponents either North or South, as "We Amer- 
icans are all citizens of a common country and should al- 
ways dwell together in the bonds of true fraternal feeling." 

Springfield, November 20, i860. — I have been much 
interested in reading the speech of Alexander H. Stephens 
against the secession movement from the fact that he is my 
personal friend and was a co-laborer in a number of Whig 
campaigns in past years. His arguments against secession 
are so clear and cogent, that I am hoping he will do some- 
thing to arrest the progress of secession in Georgia and 
other Southern states. 

Springfield, December 5, i860. — What am I to think 
of the message which President Buchanan transmitted to 
Congress yesterday? After charging our troubles on the 
Republican party and dwelling at some length on the 
wrongs which he claims the South has suffered from the 
North, he proposes as a remedy "an amendment of the 
Constitution," which would expressly recognize the insti- 
tution of slavery in the states where it now exists and de- 
clare it to be the duty of Congress to protect it in all the 
territories, thus asking the people, under threats of seces- 
sion, to reverse the verdict they have just rendered at the 
polls against the extension of slavery into the territories. 



Secession — Secession — Secession ! 63 



The message takes the ground that the Union was in- 
tended to be perpetual, that no state has a constitutional 
right to secede from the Union, and that secession is 
equivalent to revolution. But on the other hand, while he 
declares it to be the duty of the Executive to enforce the 
laws throughout the country, the President claims that 
neither Congress nor the Executive has any Constitutional 
power to coerce a state or maintain the Union by the exer- 
cise of military force. "Congress has many means of pre- 
serving the Union by conciliation," he says, "but the sword 
was never placed in its hands to preserve it by force." 

And thus he leaves the question in hopeless confusion 
and contradiction — rather in conglomerate conglomeration. 
Although Mr. Buchanan is fortified in his position that the 
government has no right to exercise any force against seces- 
sion by the official opinion of so able and learned a lawyer 
as Attorney-General Black, his message will add nothing 
to his reputation as President and statesman, but will be 
more likely to finish whatever reputation he had left. 

I certainly want to be charitable to Mr. Buchanan. I 
consider his great age, I realize how hard it would be for 
him to defy the counsels of his life-long political associates 
to whom he owes his office, I believe that he loves peace 
and harmony more than strife and contention, and I my- 
self share in his horror of civil war or at the bare sug- 
gestion of such a thing; nevertheless I deplore this message 
and fear it will give encouragement to the secession move- 
ment that bodes no good to the country. I also fear that it 
will cause foreign nations to look upon our government as 
the "mere rope of sand," which he declares the founders 
of the government never intended it to be. 

I have just seen Senator Seward's pithy remarks con- 
cerning this message, "It proves two things — first, that no 
state has a right to secede unless it wants to, and, second, 
that it is the President's duty to enforce the laws, unless 
somebody opposes him." 

Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, also characterizes 
the message as consisting of three propositions : "First, 
South Carolina has just cause for seceding; second, she has 
no right to secede ; third, the government has no right or 
power to prevent her seceding." 

Springfield, December 9, i860. — I have read with 



54 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

great pleasure the report of a Union speech delivered in 
the Senate by Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in 
which he vigorously denounces the whole secession move- 
ment as uunlawful and unnecessary, and declares that while 
Congress has no constitutional power to coerce a state in 
its sovereign capacity, it is the right and duty of the Presi- 
dent to execute the laws by whatever force may be neces- 
sary. 

Springfield, December 15, i860.— To-day's papers 
inform us that General Cass resigned his position as Secre- 
tary of State yesterday, after a long and exciting session of 
the Cabinet on account of Buchanan's refusal to reinforce 
Major Anderson who, with less than one hundred men, is 
holding the forts in Charleston harbor, Attorney-General 
Black being appointed in Cass's place and Edwin M. Stan- 
ton in Black's place. From my experience with Stanton 
in Cincinnati some years ago, I do not believe he will ad- 
here to Black's opinion denying the right of the govern- 
ment to maintain itself against secession, and there are some 
intimations that Black himself will take a different view 
when he sees the fatal consequences of his official opinion. 

Springfield, December 16, i860. — I have written a 
letter to Hon. E. B. Washburn, of our state, requesting 
him to inform General Scott that I will be very grateful to 
him for any action he may take to hold or retake any 
United States forts as the case may require, at and after 
the inauguration. 

Springfield, December 17, i860. — I have received a 
letter from Representative Kellogg, who, as a member of 
the committee of thirty-three (one from each state) ap- 
pointed by the lower house of Congress to devise a plan 
for the settlement of our difficulties, in which letter 
he asks me for any counsel or advice I may wish to give 
him. In reply I have told him explicity to entertain no 

COMPROMISE IN REFERENCE TO THE EXTENSION OF SLAVERY; 

for as soon as this is done, they will have us under, and we 
will have all our work to do over again. I will no doubt be 
censured for taking this position, but much as I dread even 
the thought of civil war, I deem it of the utmost importance 
that the verdict of the people on this question shall stand 
until the people themselves shall see fit to reverse it — which 
I do not believe they will ever do, I will not do it; and I 



Secession — Secession — Secession ! 55 

will suffer death, as I have written to another of my 
supporters, before I will enter into any bargain or contract 
whereby I am permitted to assume the duties of the presi- 
dency after the people have duly chosen me for that pur- 
pose. 

Springfield, December 18, i860. — The Washington 
"Constitution" of last Saturday contained an address or 
manifesto signed by about thirty senators and representa- 
tives from the nine cotton states, declaring that all hope 
of relief or remedy is exhausted, and that all slave-holding 
states should speedily withdraw from the Union and organ- 
ize themselves into a "Southern Confederacy." 

And this in face of the fact that I will not be inaugu- 
rated President for nearly three months, and that they can 
point to no unfriendly act (or utterance) on m" part. How 
clear it ought to be to every one that my election by the 
people is the only "grievance" the South can claim. I 
can only hope that the Southern people can not be 
"coerced" into a compliance with this call of their senators 
and representatives. 

Springfield, December 22, i860. — As anticipated the 
South Carolina convention passed an ordinance of secession 
day before yesterday, or rather an ordinance declaring that 
"the ordinance adopted by the state in the convention held 
May 23, 1788, whereby the constitution of the United States 
was ratified, is hereby repealed, and that the Union of 
South Carolina with other states is dissolved." 

Springfield, December 25, i860. — I have given very 
close attention to the deliberations of the Senate Commit- 
tee of thirteen and the House Committee of thirty-three 
(one from each state) who are trying to devise some means 
of settling our difficulties ; but as the Southern leaders show 
little or no disposition to remain in the Union on any 
terms whatsoever, the proposed concessions and "guaran- 
tees," (all of which, it is very plain to me, are devised 
in the interest of slavery and look to the strengthening and 
perpetuating of that institution), seem almost farcical. 
And although I have never been a worshiper at the shrine 
of Andrew Jackson, there are times when I wish he could 
arise up from his tomb and declare in the ears of all the 
people : "The Federal Union — it must and shall be 
preserved!" 



56 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Springfield, December 31, i860. — The news that 
Major Anderson, on the night of the 26th inst., had evacu- 
ated Fort Moultrie in Charleston harbor and transferred 
his garrison to the stronger fortress of Fort Sumter has 
thrilled the hearts of all friends of the Union, although it 
has caused quite an uproar in secession circles. There are 
rumors from Washington to the effect that the Administra- 
tion is very much embarrassed by this act of Major Ander- 
son on account of an understanding between Buchanan and 
the South Carolina Congressman that the military status 
in Charleston harbor should remain unchanged pending the 
action of the Charleston convention, and that the govern- 
ment would not reinforce the forts in the harbor unless 
they were actually attacked or were about to be attacked. 

There are also reports from Washington to the effect 
that the three South Carolina "Commissioners" who arrived 
in Washington on the 26th inst. had an interview with 
Buchanan and actually made a "demand" on him — poor 
Buchanan ! — for the return of Anderson's garrison to 
Fort Moultrie. Buchanan, it is said, was inclined to com- 
ply with this demand, but under threats of resignation from 
Secretary Black (who seems to have undergone a change 
of opinion concerning the right of the government to pro- 
tect and maintain itself), and Attorney-General Stanton, he 
decided to leave Major Anderson in possession of Fort 
Sumter. Whereupon John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, 
against whom serious charges of dishonesty were pending, 
resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and Joseph Holt, of Ken- 
tucky, a reliable friend of the Union, was appointed in his 
place. John A. Dix, of New York, was appointed Secre- 
tary of the Treasury in place of Howell Cobb, who resigned 
on the 10th inst., leaving the Treasury almost bankrupt. 
With these four reliable supporters of the government in 
the Cabinet, we may at least hope that during the remain- 
der of his term Mr. Buchanan will be more anxious to 
maintain the government than to please and satisfy the 
secession leaders. And to do him justice I don't think 
for a moment that he wants to see the government of the 
Union overthrown. 

Charleston, Ills., January 5, 1861. — I have spent 
most of the day with my devoted step-mother, near this 
place. She enjoyed my visit greatly ; but on parting with 



Secession — Secession — Secession ! 57 

her she seemed very much oppressed in her feelings at the 
thought of my leaving Springfield and going to Washington. 
With many tears in her eyes she declared she would never 
see me again, for they would be sure to kill me before my 
time was out. Just whom she meant by "they" I did not 
ask her to tell me. Very many friends in Springfield have 
also expressed the fear they would never see me after I 
leave Springfield ; but I will not be concerned about my own 
fate in such a crisis as we are now in. 

Springfield, January 10, 1861.- — I have just read the 
message of Governor Letcher, of Virginia, to the Legisla- 
ture of that state, in which he vigorously protests against 
the efforts of South Carolina and other cotton states to 
force Virginia into secession. He declares most emphati- 
cally that he would resist Southern coercion as readily as 
Northern coercion ; but whether he will stand firm against 
all the influences that will be employed to secure the 
secession of Virginia remains to be seen. 

Springfield, January 12, 1861. — Day before yester- 
day the steamer, "Star of the W'est," sent by the govern- 
ment with supplies and some 200 soldiers under command 
of Captain Charles R. Woods, of the Ninth U. S. Infantry, 
(whose home is Newark, Ohio), arrived at Charleston 
harbor, and on attempting to steam up to Fort Sumter 
was fired on from Fort Moultrie and a battery from Morris 
Island. Being struck by a shot and having no means for 
resisting such an attack, she put about and returned to 
New York. It is not for me to say how this manifest act 
of war should be treated by the Administration ; but I do 
wonder what Washington or Jackson or even Jefferson 
would have done, if such an insult had been offered to our 
flag while he was President. 

Springfield, January 14, 1861.— No small degree of 
attention and interest has been given to Senator Seward's 
speech in the Senate day before yesterday, on account of 
his having accepted the position of Secretary of State in 
my Cabinet. Some of the more radical Republicans are 
dissatisfied with it on account of its conciliatory tone, and 
because instead of threatening the use of force to over- 
come the secession movement, he said he "would meet 
prejudice with conciliation, exaction with concession which 
surrenders no principle, and violence with the right hand 



58 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of peace." But throughout the whole speech was the lofti- 
est sentiment of devotion to the Union, which to my mind 
is the gospel which needs to be preached both North and 
South ; and hence I believe his speech will have a beneficial 
effect on the minds of all the people. The country does 
not want war, if it can be avoided without dishonor. 

Springfield, January 30, 1861. — It gives me great 
pleasure to record that the bill for the admission of Kansas 
into the Union under the Wyandotte constitution has passed 
both houses of Congress, and has been signed by President 
Buchanan. All hail Free Kansas ! — the thirty-fourth star 
in the flag of our Union. To quote from Sumner's famous 
speech for which he was assaulted by Brooks, "Kansas will 
yet be a 'ministering angel' to the Republic, when South 
Carolina in the cloak of darkness which she hugs" — but 
I must not repeat the fate which he prophesied for her ! 

Springfield, January 31, 1861. — During one of the 
first nights of this month I dreamed that in some mysteri- 
ous way I was the spectator of a secret caucus of a few 
Southern Senators in Washington which was presided over 
and seemed to be entirely controlled by Jefferson Davis. 
At this caucus a resolution was passed urging all Southern 
States to secede at once and prepare to organize a separate 
government not later than the middle of the coming 
February. Another resolution was passed appointing 
Mr. Davis and two other senators a committee to carry 
this purpose into effect. This was only a dream, but it 
is no dream that the secession movement has spread with 
marvelous rapidity, and in a manner clearly indicating that 
it is being inspired by a master mind and guided by a 
master hand or hands. Following the lead of South 
Carolina, the Mississippi convention passed an ordinance 
of secession on the 9th inst., the Florida convention on the 
10th, the Alabama convention on the nth, the Georgia con- 
vention on the 19th and the Louisiana convention on 
the 26th, not one of these states submitting its ordinance 
to the vote of its people. Still more significant are the 
signs of military preparation and the seizing of government 
property wherever it is within their reach. And I can 
not free my mind from apprehensions that the same sys- 
tematic effort will be made to lead the other slave states 



Farewell to Springfield 59 



into secession without regard to the will of their people and 
even in defiance of that will. 

Springfield, February 6, 1861. — Although the Con- 
gressional committees at Washington are earnestly laboring 
to devise some settlement of our difficulties, the convention 
of seceded states met in Montgomery, Ala., a day or two 
since and proceeded to the work of adopting a constitu- 
tion and organizing an independent government. 

Springfield, February 7, 1861. — Gov. Sam Houston, 
of Texas, refused to call a convention in the interest of the 
secession movement, but the secessionists of that state 
called one themselves, and on the 1st of this month voted 
the state out of the Union, thus adding the seventh state 
to the "Confederacy," which Mr. Davis and his colleagues 
are bent on organizing at Montgomery. 

Springfield, February 8, 1861. — I spent two or three 
hours in the office with Herndon to-day, closing up some 
business and reviewing some of our legal experiences. I 
lay on the office lounge most of the time ; and when I left 
I told him to leave the old sign, "Lincoln and Herndon," 
hanging at the door, as I expected to take up practice 
again after my term as President was up, expressing the 
hope that serving four years as President wouldn't unfit 
me for the duties of a practicing attorney. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Farewell to Springfield. 



Springfield, February 10. 1861. — This is my last 
Sunday and my last full day in Springfield. During all the 
day, even during the services at church, the history of 
Washington and the Revolution has been on my mind, and 
I have silently prayed that the Almighty would give me the 
necessary wisdom for my great task, even as he gave 
Washington the wisdom that he needed. I have never 
connected myself with any Christian church or avowed any 
theological creed, but in this crisis of our country, we 
cannot hope to settle our difficulties without the guidance 
and support that can come from God alone. 

Indianapolis, Ind., February 11, 1861. — Our train 
left Springfield this morning and arrived here just before 
nightfall. Although a pretty severe snowstorm prevailed 



60 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

at the time, a large number of people were at the depot to 
see me off. And while they all cheered me very loudly, as 
the train pulled out, I saw something in their faces that 
seemed like an appeal to me not to leave them. And I 
stood on the platform and kept my eyes on the city as 
long as it was visible. 

I made them a short address just before we started, in 
which I expressed my feeling of sadness at leaving the 
city where I had lived for a quarter of a century, where 
my four children were born and one of them is buried. I 
told them I knew not when or whether i should ever 
return, and invoked their prayers in my behalf that I might 
have wisdom given me for my great task. The cordial 
greeting I received at various stations on the way cheered 
me up considerably, and here I was greeted with a 
most magnificent reception, and made an address in which 
I reminded the people that the preservation of the govern- 
ment depended on them as truly as on the President or the 
Congress. I also reminded my audience that I would not 
be frightened by the bugbears of "invasion" and "coercion" 
from the duty of executing the laws in all the states of the 
Union, although I had no desire to irritate or humiliate 
the people of any state. The responses to what I said on 
this point showed me very clearly the extent of the people's 
devotion to the Union and of their desire for its main- 
tenance. 

Cincinnati, Ohio, February 12, 1861. — In response 
to my reception here I made a short address in which I 
again "shot over the line" and assured the people of Ken- 
tucky and other Southern states that they were my friends 
and brethren, and that I should ever recognize them as 
such during my Administration. 

Columbus, Ohio, February 12, 1861. — Just after 
giving a short address to the Legislature of this state, I 
received a telegram from Washington informing me that 
the count of the electoral vote had taken place before the 
two houses of Congress and that Vice-President Brecken- 
ridge had declared me the duly elected President of the 
United States ! 

New York City, February 19, 1861. — The papers of 
this morning give us the significant information that Jeffer- 
son Davis, was yesterday inaugurated President, and my old 



Farewell to Springfield 61 

Whig friend, Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-Presi- 
dent, of the so-called "Southern Confederacy," at Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, yesterday. The constitution adopted by 
the convention of Southern delegates who chose Mr. Davis 
as their President is similar to the constitution of the United 
States in form and in most of its provisions, but it recog- 
nizes slavery as an institution to be forever sustained, and 
provides that in all territory hereafter acquired that in- 
stitution shall be duly recognized and protected by Con- 
gress. In his inaugural Mr. Davis asserts that in with- 
drawing from the Union the Southern states are only ex- 
ercising their "reserved rights" under the Constitution and 
are not inaugurating a revolution. If the South can not 
avoid war. he claims that posterity will not charge her with 
provoking it; but at the same time he urged his Congress 
(or Convention) to provide for both an army and navy 
"more numerous than would be required as a peace estab- 
lishment." 

In view of this formal organization of the insurrection, 
how vain and farcical seem all the efforts of the Congres- 
sional committees to devise such an adjustment of our dif- 
ficulties as will be satisfactory to the South. And equally 
futile as I anticipate, will be the labors of the "Peace Con- 
gress" of some twenty states that commenced its delibera- 
tions in Washington on the qth hist., under the presidency 
of Ex-President Tyler. 

Philadelphia, Pa., February 21, 1861. — After a 
journey of a few days in New York state and the delivery 
of addresses at various points besides New York City, we 
passed through Trenton, New Jersey, to-day. In my ad- 
dress there I told the people how deep an impression the 
reading of Weems' "Life of Washington" had made on 
me in the days of my boyhood, and that no part of Wash- 
ington's history had effected my imagination like his cross- 
ing the Delaware river in the night and capturing the Hes- 
sian soldiers at Trenton. In the course of my remarks I 
reminded my audience that while no man loved peace more 
than I did, it might become necessary to put the foot down 
firmly. The loud cheers with which my audience greeted 
this declaration made me realize their confidence that if 
it became necessary to do this in order to maintain the 
government. I would not fail in the discharge of my duty. 



62 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Then I appealed to the audience to sustain me in my great 
task, because if I failed to steer the ship of state through 
the storms which now threatened her, xo pilot would 

EVER BE NEEDED FOR ANOTHER VOYAGE ! 

On my arrival here I was introduced by my friend, 
N. B. Judd, to a detective named Pinkerton, who informed 
me that a plot was being hatched against my life at 
Baltimore, and he therefore urged me to hasten to Wash- 
ington at once without showing myself at Baltimore, which 
he represented as a "hotbed of secession." Mr. Judd and 
other friends, besides F. W. Seward, who brought a mes- 
sage from Senator Seward, his father, of the same import, 
gave me similar advice, but I told them I had promised to 
raise the flag at Independence Hall tomorrow morning, and 
to address the Pennsylvania Legislature in the afternoon 
and that I must keep these appointments. 

On the Way to Washington, February 22, 1861. — 
After the flag raising in honor of Washington's birthday at 
Independence Hall this morning I was called upon for a 
speech, and although not expecting such a call I managed 
to express the peculiar feelings which the day and the 
occasion had awakened in my mind and to inform the peo- 
ple that I hoped to see our government firmly established 
on the principle enunciated in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence that all men are created equal. I declared that I would 
rather be assassinated on the spot — what made me think 
of such a thing as assassination at the time I certainly do 
not know — than surrender that principle ; for I considered 
it a good enough principle to live by and, if it be the pleas- 
ure of Almighty God, to die by! 

When I returned to Philadelphia from Harrisburg to- 
night, I found that all arrangements were made for my 
proceeding forthwith to Washington, incognito, to which 
I could only accede. This secret journey by night is not 
at all agreeable to my feelings ; but the information of the 
detective and the message of Seward were so urgent as to 
give me no other choice. In my whole life I have never 
been accused of cowardice, but as President-elect I would 
not be justified in encountering any unnecessary danger, 
even if I have to suffer misrepresentation and ridicule on 
account of my caution. 



Exit Buchanan — Enters Lincoln 63 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Exit Buchanan — Enters Lincoln. 

Washington, February 23, 1861. — Our train arrived 
here at 6 o'clock this morning, and I was met at the depot 
by Seward and Washburn, each of whom gave me a cordial 
greeting and expressed great pleasure on account of my 
safe arrival. Seward has frequently been spoken of as the 
"Premier" of my administration; and there was something 
in his tone and manner indicating that he expected to be 
the guiding spirit, at least the main prop of the govern- 
ment during the coming four years — in other words that 
he is to be the "power behind the throne," while I will only 
be the King sitting on the throne, but I am not at all con- 
cerned about that. Wishing to avail myself of any ad- 
vice he may offer me, I have submitted a copy of my 
Inaugural address, as carefully prepared at Springfield, to 
his examination, and asked him to suggest any changes he 
may deem desirable. 

Washington, February 25, 1861. — The news has 
reached Washington that Brigadier-General Twiggs, whom 
Secretary Floyd appears to have designedly placed in com- 
mand of the Texas department, has surrendered all his 
forces and all the government property under his authority 
to General Ben McCulloch, representing the State of Texas, 
for which act he (Twiggs) has been very properly dis- 
missed from the United States service. So at the very be- 
ginning of my administration I will have to face facts like 
these: Loss of the state of Texas and control of the 
Mexican frontier ; Fort Pulaski at the mouth of the 
Savannah river occupied by insurgent troops ; Fort Moul- 
trie and Castle Pinckney in Charleston harbor occupied, and 
Fort Sumter menaced by South Carolina forces ; Forts 
Jackson and St. Philip below New Orleans occupied by 
Louisiana troops and Fort Morgan in Mobile bay occupied 
by the troops of Alabama, leaving out of view the arms 
and other munitions of war that have been seized and 
stolen by the rebels. 

Washington, February 28, 1861. — I have been very 
much occupied since my arrival. Have called on the Presi- 
dent and his Cabinet, on Congress and on the Supreme 



64 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Court, by all of whom I was treated with the utmost 
courtesy, although I could see a pretty large interrogation 
point in most of their faces as they turned their eyes to- 
ward me. The callers at my hotel I might describe as an 
innumerable multitude that no man can number. All of 
them abound in expressions of goodwill and some of them 
abound in advice and counsel to which I listen with due 
courtesy and in some cases with pretty close attention. 

Seward has returned the copy of my Inaugural, which 
I submitted to his criticism, with the recommendation of a 
few changes, the most important of which is that I leave 
out the paragraph in which I declare that I will always ad- 
here to the platform on which I was elected. It seemed 
to me but right and fair to all parties that I should make 
this declaration, but Seward earnestly urges that it is not 
at all necessary at this time, and that it would aid the 
secessionists of Maryland and Virginia in driving their 
states into the secession movement. As there is no sacri- 
fice of principle in omitting this paragraph I think I will 
comply with Seward's suggestion; for this will enable me 
to lay the emphasis of my Inaugural on the points, that 
the government of our Union was intended to be perpetual, 
that secession means revolution, and that it is the duty of 
the Executive to execute the laws and maintain the integrity 
of the Union. 

In the closing paragraphs of my Inaugural I make an 
earnest appeal to the Southern people to go slow, to de- 
liberate, and at least to await developments before they 
rush blindly into the revolution which has been inaugurated 
by their leaders, solemnly reminding them that the mo- 
mentous issue of civil war is in their hands, and not in 
mine. "The government," I positively declare, "will not 
assail you. You can have no conflict without being your- 
selves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in 
Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the 
most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend it.' ,: 

Seward also advised that instead of closing my Inagu- 
ral with the pointed question : "Shall it be peace or a 
sword?" which I addressed to the people of the South, I 
should speak "some words of affection — some of calm and 
cheerful confidence." He accordingly furnished me with 
the draft for a closing paragraph, which I have changed 



Exit Buchanan — Enters Lincoln 65 

so it will read : "I am loth to close. We are not enemies, 
but friends — we must not be enemies. Though passion 
may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. 
The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle- 
field and every patriot grave to every living heart and 
hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
chorus of the Union, when touched, as they surely will be, 
by the better angels of our nature." 

Washington, March i, i86r. — I came to Washington 
with my mind made up in reference to my Cabinet, provided 
I found no reason for a change. I not only think it would 
be wise to recognize all elements of the party in the Cabinet, 
but I very particularly desire Seward's services as Secre- 
tary of State and Chase's as Secretary of the Treasury; 
for I have a very decided feeling that I will need them 
both, and that no other men can fill those positions as 
well as they can. So I have prevailed on them both to re- 
sign their seats in the Senate and accept the positions I 
have offered them, assuring them that this sacrifice on 
their part is for the country's good. To certain Republi- 
cans who complain because I have chosen four men of 
Democratic antecedents — Chase, Cameron, Wells and 
Blair — and only three of Whig antecedents, Seward, 
Smith and Bates, I have replied by reminding them that I 
am something of a Whig myself and hope I will be strong 
enough to preserve a proper balance if necessary. 

The "Peace Congress," composed of delegates from 
some twenty states, presided over by Ex-President Tyler 
( whom I had almost forgotten until he appeared in this 
role), which has been in session in Washington since the 
4th inst., has adjourned without day, and the delegates 
have all returned to their homes. Whether Tyler and the 
other Southern delegates really wanted to stay in the 
Union I know not: but they certainly seemed more anxious 
to secure concessions from the government in behalf of 
the slave interest than to arrest the secession movement. 

Washington, March 4. — The Inauguration ceremo- 
nies passed off very pleasantly, although it pained me some- 
what that there should be any necessity for the complete 
military protection provided by General Scott, in which 
task he was most heartily supported by President Buchanan. 
5 



66 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

The crowd assembled in front of the Capitol was a very 
large one, and it seemed to me I could read in their faces, 
from the highest official to the humblest citizen, an ex- 
pression of sympathy for me in view of the great task I 
had assumed. I also thought I could read in many faces 
the query whether this man from Illionis would be equal to 
his task. Douglas, I was much pleased to notice, stood 
close to my side and manifested his friendliness and good- 
will by holding my hat during the ceremonies. Whatever 
unfavorable judgment I may have passed on Mr. Buchanan 
during the four years of his Administration, the courtesy 
and consideration he has shown to me since my arrival in 
Washington have been all and more than all I could ask ; 
and the hearty grasp of my hand and the assurance of 
his best wishes for myself and the welfare of the country 
will be gratefully remembered and cherished as long as I 
live. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
Civil War — Civil War — Civil War ! 

Washington, March 5, 1861. — The responsibilities of 
my new position were impressed on me most clearly this 
morning by receiving a note from Mr. Holt, who is still 
acting as Secretary of War, in which I am officially in- 
formed that Major Anderson reports his position at Fort 
Sumter as very precarious, that his provisions would only 
last a few weeks longer and that a force of 20,000 men 
would be needed to re-enforce him and furnish supplies for 
a permanent holding of the fort. 

I immediately sought conference with General Scott, 
and after examining Anderson's report, he informed me 
that the evacuation of the Fort seems almost inevitable. 
So I could only refer the papers in the case to him for 
further investigation, giving him directions to exercise the 
utmost vigilance in the maintenance of all military positions 
in the United States and authorizing him to call upon all 
departments of the government for the means necessary to 
that end. 

Washington, March 8, 1861. — In addition to all other 
questions which I have to consider at this beginning of my 
administration is the attitude of European powers toward 



Civil War — Civil War — Civil War! 67 

the recently organized Southern Confederacy. I have real- 
ized from the start that Buchanan's non-coercion message, 
and his failure to re-enforce the Southern forts when so 
advised by General Scott, with the unopposed military 
preparations of the South and the organization of the Davis 
government, have caused foreign governments to form a 
very unfavorable opinion of our purpose and ability to 
maintain our government. And when to all these facts 
we add the desire of European nations to obtain cheap 
cotton and secure free trade with America, I have feared 
they would all be inclined to encourage the secession move- 
ment and at least to hope for its success. 

Mr. Seward, who assumed the duties of Secretary of 
State as soon as he was confirmed by the Senate, has ac- 
cordingly forwarded a circular letter to our foreign min- 
isters, stating the confidence of my administration in the 
continuance of the Union, and declaring that this govern- 
ment had not relinquished and did not intend to relinquish 
its jurisdiction within the territory of the seceded states. 

Washington, March 9, 1861. — The first council of 
my Cabinet was held to-day, at which I made known to 
them the situation at Fort Sumter, and asked their opinions 
as to what should be done. They were all not only 
surprised but astounded; and the only conclusion we 
reached was that if Fort Sumter is relieved, it will have to 
be done within thirty or forty days, at most. 

Washington, March 12, 1861. — Captain G. V. Fox, 
of the Navy, has submitted a plan for preparing an expedi- 
tion to re-enforce Major Anderson and supply his garrison 
with provisions by "running the batteries" at Fort Moultrie 
and on Morris Island. The Captain, who is a brother-in- 
law of Postmaster-General Blair, has such faith in the 
feasibility of his plan that he is willing to risk his life in 
the effort to carry it into execution. 

Washington, March 16, 1861. — In view of Captain 
Fox's plan for reinforcing Fort Sumter, I submitted to the 
Cabinet to-day the question whether, assuming the possi- 
bility of reinforcing Fort Sumter, it would be wise to make 
the attempt under all the existing circumstances ; and they 
have all returned me their written answers, only Chase and 
Blair favoring the effort. In view of the opinion of Gen- 
eral Scott that the Fort is untenable and that five of my 



68 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

seven Cabinet councilors do not favor an effort to re- 
enforce it, I can not take the responsibility of accepting 
Captain Fox's plan, neither can I make up my mind to ac- 
cept General Scott's advice to evacuate the Fort. I have, 
therefore, directed Captain Fox to repair to Fort Sumter 
in person and report the result of his observations at as 
early a day as possible. 

Meantime I have directed General Scott to send re- 
enforcements to Fort Pickens, at the entrance of Pensacola 
harbor, in the hope that if Fort Sumter must be evacuated, 
the holding of Pickens will satisfy the country that I am 
adhering to the policy of holding all the Forts and other 
property of the government to the very best of my ability. 

Washington, March 22, 1861. — My old Whig asso- 
• ciate and personal friend, Alexander H. Stevens, of Georgia, 
who was inaugurated as Vice-President of the Confederacy 
on the some day that Jefferson Davis was inaugurated as 
its President, delivered a speech in Savannah, in his state, 
yesterday, in which he declared that the Confederate Con- 
stitution preserved all that was desirable in the Federal 
Constitution, while it made a number of important improve- 
ments on that instrument, among them being the provision 
against protective tariff duties and the provision of a single 
term of six years for the occupant of the presidential of- 
fice. 

But the great superiority of the Confederate Constitu- 
tion, he asserts, consists in the fact that it recognizes slavery 
as the natural and proper state of the African race and 
makes that institution the "corner-stone" of the new gov- 
ernment. The negro is so inferior to the white man, he 
asserts, that subjection to the superior race is according to 
the will of the Creator, and it is not for us to question the 
wisdom of the Creator or seek to reverse his laws. 

This speech of Stephens' ought to enable us all to 
see the purpose for which the secession movement was in- 
augurated; and if any Northern citizen is praying for the 
success of the Confederacy, he surely ought to know what 
he is praying for. 

Washington, March 28, 1861. — For three full weeks 
past, I have been like St. Paul, "in a strait betwixt two" — 
and what a fearful strait it is ! Major Anderson is hold- 



Civil War— Civil War — Civil War! 69 

ing Fort Sumter with his little garrison, but his provisions 
will only last a few weeks, and he may be attacked and 
forced to surrender or witness the slaughter of his garrison 
at any time. To attempt to re-enforce him and supply his 
command with provisions by force would be a very hazard- 
ous experiment; and it might precipitate the remaining 
slave states into secession and might cause my administra- 
tion to be charged with provoking a civil war between the 
North and the South. On the other hand, to order the 
evacuation of the Fort under the present circumstances 
(even if it be conceded that from a military standpoint 
the possession of it is of no particular value to the govern- 
ment ) , would almost seem like a recognition of the Southern 
Confederacy and might be followed with most serious con- 
sequences both to my administration and the country. By 
day and also by night while other men slept, I have 
wrestled with this question, since whatever confidence the 
people have that I will decide this question honestly, they 
will hold me responsible if I decide it unwisely. 

To-day I laid before the Cabinet the report of Captain 
Fox, who has returned from Charleston with the details of 
his plan for reinforcing Fort Sumter, together with the 
opinion of General Scott that Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens 
should both be evacuated. They were all opposed to the 
evacuation of Fort Pickens, but remained divided in 
opinion concerning Fort Sumter. I therefore invited them 
to meet me again to-morrow for further consideration of 
the situation. But whatever opinions they may furnish me, 
whatever advice they may offer, the supreme responsibility 
rests on me. I must decide, I must determine what action 
is to be taken. But I have reached no decision yet except 
the directing of Captain Fox to get his expedition ready 
and await orders. 

Last night, after walking the floor until midnight, I 
j again dreamed that I saw Moses and Washington stand- 
1 ing on the summit of a mountain and desiring me to come 
and stand beside them. This time the mountain seemed 
much higher, my ascent was more difficult and much more 
dangerous than before, and the time was prolonged from 
day to day, then from week to week, and then from year to 
year. But against all difficulties and disregarding all dan- 
gers, I pressed on without once looking backward, until I 



70 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

again stood by their side and heard their salutation and wel- 
come ; and then I awoke. 

Washington, April i, 1861. — Early to-day I received 
a letter from Secretary Seward with the heading "Some 
Thoughts for the President's Consideration," in which he 
makes complaint, that at the end of one month the Admin- 
istration is without any policy, foreign or domestic, and that 
further delay will be attended with scandal and danger. He 
therefore proposes that we should change the question be- 
fore the country from one relating to slavery to one of 
Union or Disunion — as if those questions could be sepa- 
rated ! He advises the evacuation of Fort Sumter, since 
the holding of that Fort is regarded as a slavery or party 
question, but would reinforce Fort Pickens and retain pos- 
session of all other Forts in the Southern states. As to 
foreign affairs he would demand explanations from Eur- 
opean nations, and if necessary, convene Congress and de- 
clare war against them. He says he would also send agents 
into Canada, Mexico and Central America to stir up a con- 
tinental spirit against European intervention. 

Having given this brief outline of his proposed policy, 
he closes by saying that whatever policy is adopted should 
be vigorously prosecuted, and that it should be directed at 
all times by either the President or some member of his 
Cabinet, and that when adopted all debates should cease, and 
all agree and abide. This task, he says, is not his especial 
province, but he will shrink from no responsibility that may 
devolve upon him. 

After reading this communication I decided to answer 
it at once. In reference to his complaint of no policy I re- 
ferred him to my Inaugural declaring my purpose to hold 
and occupy the Forts and other property of the govern- 
ment, which is the very domestic policy he now urges upon 
me with the single qualification that it does not include the 
evacuation of Fort Sumter — to which I can not give my 
consent ! 

In reference to our foreign policy I thought no answer 
would be the best answer to his proposal to stir up a war 
with European nations, but I reminded him that this was 
his first complaint of our being short of a foreign policy. 

In answer to his closing proposition that some one per- 
son should direct the policy of the Administration with 



Civil War — Civil War — Civil War! 71 

little or no discussion on the part of others, I remarked that 
if this is to be done, I must do it, but that I desired and 
expected to receive the advice of all the members of my 
Cabinet. 

This answer has been duly placed in Mr. Seward's 
hands without my giving it the heading, "Some Thoughts 
for the Secretary of State's Consideration," and both letter 
and answer will be kept secret from all other persons, un- 
less Mr. Seward himself wishes them to be made public. 
Neither will I ever allude to the subject in my conversations 
with him, unless he does. 

Washington, April 8, 1861. — Captain Fox's expedition 
for the relief of Fort Sumter sailed yesterday, and will 
probably reach its destination by the nth or 12th inst. His 
instructions are that if Fort Sumter has not been attacked, 
to procure an interview with Governor Pickens and notify 
him that an effort will be made to supply the garrison with 
provisions only, and that if this is not resisted, no attempt 
will be made to send in re-enforcements of men, arms or 
ammunition. 

I think by this means that I will satisfy the country — 
for I must depend on the country for support in whatever 
action is taken — that I am doing my best to maintain the 
government without provoking war; and I also believe that 
if the effort to supply our soldiers with provisions be re- 
sisted, it will be such an act of war on the part of the in- 
surgents as will place all the responsibility on those who 
are trying to destroy the Union instead of those who are 
trying to preserve it. If the Confederate authorities per- 
mit these supplies to be sent into the Fort without resistance 
after all their military preparations, their "government" will 
fall by its own weight ; if they assail the flag of our gov- 
ernment, the consequences will be on their own heads. 

Washington, April 10, 1861. — The successful re-en- 
forcement of Fort Pickens by Gen. Meigs of the Army and 
Captain D. D. Porter of the Xavy gives me great satisfac- 
tion ; but I can have little rest day or night until I hear 
definite news from Charleston, as I realize so clearly that 
"the momentous issue of Civil War," of which I spoke in 
my Inaugural, will soon be determined. 

Meantime I am so beset — almost overwhelmed — by 
visits of office-seekers from all parts of the country, that I 



72 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

only liken myself to a proprietor of an apartment house 
letting out his rooms, while a fierce fire is raging in the 
building and threatening its complete destruction. 

Washington, April 13, 1861. — The dogs of war are 
loosed at last — and my administration is not respon- 
sible ! Because I have attempted to send bread and meat 
to Major Anderson's garrison, under orders from Mont- 
gomery, Gen. Beauregard opened fire on Fort Sumpter 
yesterday and kept up a fierce bombardment all day — which 
opens a new, and who knows how important? — a chapter in 
American history. Whether Capt. Fox's expedition had 
reached Charleston we do not know; but if it had, it does 
not appear to have taken part in the conflict. 

Washington, April 14, 1861. — The news from 
Charleston this morning is to the effect that after suffering 
a continuous bombardment of twenty-four hours, Major An- 
derson clearly saw that further resistance would be useless 
and surrendered Fort Sumter, his garrison being allowed 
to march out with the honors of war and take passage on 
a steamer for the North. 

I have already prepared a call for 75,000 three months' 
militia for the suppression of this insurrection, under the 
dCt of Congress, passed in 1795, and I have also decided to 
convene Congress in extra session on the coming fourth of 
July to provide ways and means for the national defense 
and the maintenance of the Union. 

I was particularly gratified to receive a call from 
Douglas and to hold a two hours' conference with him, in 
which he informed me that, notwithstanding all our past dif- 
ferences, he would stand by me and support me to the end 
in all my efforts to enforce the national authority, his only 
complaint being that I did not call for 200,000 troops in- 
stead of 75,000. He said his previous acquaintance with the 
men at the head of this secession movement had given him 
a chance to understand their temper and character better 
than I did. We discussed the situation at considerable 
length and parted with the most cordial understanding that 
his utmost influence would be used in Illinois and other 
northern states in support of the Union cause, as he de- 
clared that in this crisis there could be but two parties, 
patriots and traitors, as he exprssed himself in his most 
vigorous tones. In all the years of my acquaintance with 



Civil War— Civil War — Civil War! 73 

Douglas I have rather flattered myself that I knew him 
through and through ; but in this interview, I must confess 
that he revealed a degree of patriotic sentiment for which 
I never gave him credit. 

Washington, April 18, 1S61. — -If the Southern leaders 
expected as I think they did, that for political and com- 
mercial reasons the North would be divided on the question 
of sustaining the government, how mistaken they were. The 
attack on Fort Sumter has indeed "fired the Southern 
heart," but it has also fired the Northern heart. From all 
the free states J can hear but one voice, and that is for the 
preservation of the Union. The pulpits are preaching war, 
and urging men to enlist, war speeches are heard in all 
public assemblages, soldiers are enlisting and drilling in all 
the towns and cities, and everywhere is manifested the 
willingness to make all necessary sacrifices for the main- 
tenance of the government. 

The response of the Northern Governors to the call for 
troops is most hearty and enthusiastic. Gov. Andrew had 
two Regiments already organized and equipped in anticipa- 
tion of the call, and they are now on their way to Washing- 
ton; and all the other northern Governors are making the 
most earnest efforts to supply their quotas without a day's 
unnecessary delay, several asking the privilege of furnishing 
a larger number of troops than we had assigned to them. 

But the exceedingly unfavorable responses from the 
border slave states make me realize that the utmost wisdom 
and discretion will be needed to keep them from joining 
the secession movement. Washington himself would find 
the task a very hard one. 

Washington, April 19, 1861. — Thanks to the energy 
and foresight of Gov. Andrew, the 6th Massachusetts In- 
fantry arrived in the city this evening, although they were 
assaulted by a mob while passing through Baltimore, three 
of their number being killed and some thirty being wounded 
during the march from one Railroad depot to the other. 

I have just issued an executive proclamation declaring 
that in view of the insurrection existing in the states of 
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana and Texas, the seaports of those states are de- 
clared to be in a state of blockade in accordance with the 
laws of the United States and the laws of nations. 



74 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Information has leaked out that the Virginia Conven- 
tion passed a secret ordinance of secession a day or two 
since, and that she is preparing to cast her lot with the 
Southern Confederacy. 

Washington, April 24, 1861. — On account of the 
burning of Railroad bridges and the tearing up of tracks 
by the Baltimore secessionists to prevent the passage of 
troops over Maryland soil, Washington has been almost in 
a state of siege for the past few days, although there is only 
a march of twenty miles from Annapolis to Annapolis Junc- 
tion to be made by our troops before they can be trans- 
ported by rail to Washington. Have the men of the North 
no legs? Why do they not come and relieve our suspense? 
But perhaps they are encountering obstacles that I do not 
understand, so let me not do them any injustice. 

Washington, April 25, 1861. — Gov. Letcher has issued 
a proclamation declaring Virginia's separation from the 
Union and appointing Col. Robert E. Lee, who resigned his 
commission in the U. S. army a few days ago, commander 
of all the military forces of the state, which forces Letcher 
has placed under the orders o the Confederate government. 
Lee's defection I consider the most serious of all that has 
occurred among our army officers, as General Scott had in- 
tended to place him in command of all U. S. forces that 
might be engaged in active service. After marching twenty 
miles yesterday and last night and repairing the Railroad 
track as they went, the Massachusetts 8th and the New 
York 7th reached Annapolis Junction early this morning 
where they met a Railroad train that had come there from 
Washington yesterday. Embarking at once on this train the 
7th New York reached the city about noon and marched up 
Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House. Loud cheers 
greeted them at every step, for we all felt that communica- 
tion was again opened between the supporters of the Union 
and their government. 

Washington, May 1, 1861. — I have written a letter 
to Major Robert Anderson, stating that in addition to the 
official letter of thanks which I caused to be sent to him 
through the War Department a few days ago, I would 
be glad to see him in Washington at any time, that I may 
express my appreciation of the services he rendered the 



" On to Richmond " — Back to Washington 75 

government at Fort Sumter and perhaps explain some things 
that he may not have clearly understood. 

Have also written a note to Capt. G. V. Fox, who made 
such an heroic effort to re-enforce Anderson, that his failure 
to reach the Fort before the bombardment was due to no 
fault of his, while I myself was perhaps responsible for de- 
priving him of the war vessel which he deemed so im- 
portant to the success of his enterprise. 



CHAPTER XV. 
"On to Richmond" — and Back to Washington. 

Washington, May 5, 1861. — In view of the active 
military preparations ordered by the Confederate Congress 
I have deemed it necessary to anticipate the action of our 
Congress by issuing a call for 42,000 additional volunteers 
for three years and for eight additional Regiments of In- 
fantry, one of Cavalry and one of Artillery, to be added to 
the regular army. This call was issued only two days ago ; 
but the responses that have already come to it indicate very 
clearly that it will be sustained by the country, and that the 
requisite number of recruits will soon be obtained. 

Washington, May 10, 1861. — A dispatch just received 
from Mr. Adams, our newly appointed minister to England, 
gives the information that on his arrival at London he found 
that the ministry had already published the Queen's 
proclamation acknowledging the belligerency of the Con- 
federacy, and that France had followed her example. Hence 
I have grave fears that these two governments have taken 
this action with a view to recognizing the Confederacy as 
soon as they may have reason to believe that our Union can 
not be maintained ; and it will therefore be necessary for us 
to answer Mr. Adams' dispatch in such a manner, that with- 
out our giving them any provocation, they will give due 
heed to our protest against such an act of unfriendliness. 

Washington, May 12, 1861. — Captain Nathaniel Lyon 
surrounded "Camp Jackson" at St. Louis yesterday, with 
four Regiments of Missouri Volunteers, two Regiments 
of Home Guards and four pieces of Artillery, com- 
pelling a complete surrender of Gov. Jackson's state militia, 
which he (Jackson) was evidently training for the service 
of the Confederacy. Which act proves the mettle of Capt. 



76 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Lyon and entitles him to the gratitude of all Union sup- 
porters. 

Washington, May 22, 1861. — Secretary Seward has 
formulated a dispatch to Minister Adams vigorously pro- 
testing against either official or unofficial intercourse with 
"the domestic enemies of the United States" on the part of 
the English ministry, which will cause the English govern- 
ment to understand that it can not be the friend of the 
Confederacy and of the United States at the same time. 

I have however "toned down" Mr. Seward's dispatch 
somewhat by striking out a few clauses and changing the 
phraseology of a few others. Among the various changes 
that I made are these : Where Mr. Seward wrote, "The 
President is surprised and grieved." I changed the phrase 
"surprised and grieved" to the simple word "regrets." Where 
he wrote that "unofficial intercourse with the rebel com- 
missioners would be no less wrongful to us than official in- 
tercourse," I have changed the word "wrongful" to the 
word "hurtful." The sentence, "We intend to have a clear 
record of whatever issue may arise betw r een us and Great 
Britain," I have struck out altogether, as the tone of it 
seemed unfriendly. 

Mr. Sew T ard was justly indignant on receiving Mr. 
Adams' dispatch ; but one war at a time is enough for us. 
We can not even afford to provoke the unfriendliness of 
the English ministry; for if England should ever recognize 
the Southern Confederacy, France would be sure to follow 
her example. 

Washington, May 24, 1861. — Under orders from 
Gen. Scott a force of 10,000 men under Gen. Mansfield and 
Gen. McDowell crossed the Potomac to-day and occupied 
Alexandria and Arlington Heights on "the sacred soil" of 
Virginia. No resistance was offered; but Col. Ellsworth, 
of the New York Fire Zouaves, seeing a rebel flag on the 
roof of a hotel in Alexandria ascended the stairs and hauled 
it down. On descending the stairs he was met by the pro- 
prietor of the hotel who shot him dead. Whereupon one 
of Ellsworth's men promptly shot the hotel proprietor in 
turn. The sacrifice of so noble and gallant a soldier as 
Ellsworth, to whom I was especially attached, grieves me 
sorely, and it raises the question in my mind whether the 



" On to Richmond" — Back to Washington 77 

war will not cost far more blood and treasure than either 
the North or South expect. 

Washington, May 30, 1861. — Gen. Butler command- 
ing our forces at Fortress Monroe has sent to the War De- 
partment for its approval or disapproval his order, that 
fugitive slaves coming within our lines shall not be returned 
to their masters, but shall be considered contraband of 
war, the same as any other "property" of which the mili- 
tary may come into possession ; and SecretaryCameron has 
written that his order is approved. The Secretary has 
further instructed him to employ all slaves that may come 
within his lines in any special service for which they are 
adapted, leaving the final disposition of them for future de- 
termination. Ah, this slavery question — what are to do with 
it as the war proceeds in its course? 

The latest news from Richmond is to the effect that 
Jefferson Davis has arrived in that city, the Confederate 
Congress which adjourned on the 20th inst., having made 
Richmond the capital city of the Confederacy. 

Washington, June 4, 1861. — I am deeply pained to 
learn that Douglas died at his home in Chicago yesterday. 
The service he rendered the country since the assault on 
Fort Sumter by his denunciations of the secession move- 
ment and his appeals to the people for the vigorous prosecu- 
tion of the war have had an influence that will continue as 
long as the struggle lasts. His speeches in behalf of the 
Union entitle him to the gratitude of all the people and will 
give his memory a place in their hearts through all future 
years. 

Washington, June 24, 1861. — The Convention of loyal 
Virginia delegates now in session in Wheeling have re- 
pudiated the ordinance of secession passed at Richmond on 
April 17th and declared the offices of Gov. Letcher and all 
other secession officials vacant. The Convention therefore 
organized a new state government with Francis H. Pierpont 
dt the head and chose senators and representatives to repre- 
sent the state in Congress. 

Washington, July 4, 1861. — Congress convened to-day 
in accordance with my call issued after the fall of Fort 
Sumter, Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, who was chosen 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, delivered an 
earnest and eloquent address in which he urged the most 



78 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

vigorous and determined prosecution of the war to sustain 
the government; and the manner in which his appeal was 
received showed that his sentiments were fully shared by 
the representatives of other states. 

In my message I recounted the attack on Fort Sumter 
and other aggressions of the South by which the war was 
forced on us, and also the measures taken by the Executive 
to sustain the government, asking authority to enlist 400,- 

000 men and an appropriation of $400,000,000 for the 
prosecution of the war. At the close of my message I de- 
clared that I had been very reluctant to exercise the war 
power of the government in defense of the Union, but in 
view of the dangers which threatened our free institutions, 

1 could not shrink from the duty imposed upon me, nor 

EVEN COUNT THE CHANCES OF MY own LIFE IN PERFORM- 
ING IT ! 

Washington, July 12, 1861. — Gen. Scott has all along 
contended that there should be no general forward move- 
ment of our army until our troops are better organized and 
disciplined ; but the cry of "On to Richmond" has become 
so loud and incessant and the desire to prevent the Rebel 
Congress from assembling there on the 20th inst. is so gen- 
eral throughout the northern states, that he has yielded his 
objections and ordered Gen. McDowell to make an advance 
against the enemy's forces in our front with the least pos- 
sible delay. 

Washington, July 18, 1861. — To-day the advance di- 
vision of Gen. McDowell's army encountered a portion of 
the enemy's forces at Blackford's Ford on Bull Run, where 
an engagement occurred with no other result than the loss 
of some seventy or eighty men on each side. The plan of 
battle devised by Gens. Scott and McDowell, I have every 
reason to believe, is a good one, and it will surely result in 
our victory, unless some unforeseen cause prevents it. I 
have suffered some apprehensions that Gen. Beauregard in 
command of the Southern forces will be re-enforced by 
Gen. Joseph E. Johnston from the Shenandoah Valley ; but 
Gen. Scott has given particular orders to Gen. Robert Pat- 
terson — whose force is amply sufficient for the purpose — to 
keep Johnston in check and prevent his coming to Beaure- 
gard's assistance at all hazards, so I am trying my best to 
keep my mind easy on that score. 



'* On to Richmond " — Back to Washington 79 

Last night I dreamed that I was making a long and 
weary journey on a rough and lonely highway, when I 
was caught in a storm which lasted several hours, during 
which I could see neither sun nor stars ; but before it closed, 
I raised my eyes upward and saw written on the black 
sky above me in letters that looked like letters of fire, the 
words, "The armies of the Union will triumph — at last !" 
Then I awoke, but could sleep no more. 

Washington, July 21, 1861. — McDowell's attack on 
the enemy at Bull Run began this morning; and soon after 
dinner we began to receive dispatches from the battlefield, 
all of which were based on hearsay, but they gradually be- 
came more definite and encouraging, conveying the wel- 
come information that McDowell had driven the enemy two 
or three miles and was still in pursuit. And since every- 
thing seemed so favorable, I ordered my carriage and took 
my usual afternoon drive ; but as soon as I returned I re- 
ceived the very unwelcome information that instead of the 
victory indicated in the dispatches of the forenoon, Mc- 
Dowell's forces were badly routed and were in full retreat 
toward Washington. 

Dazed and disappointed as we all were, the Cabinet 
immediately assembled in Gen. Scott's office, when we all 
turned our attention to preparations for the future. All 
available troops were ordered to McDowell's support, and 
McClellan was directed to come down to the Shenandoah 
Valley with all the troops that could be spared from Western 
Virginia. A number of non-combatants who had accom- 
panied the army as far as Centerville arrived about mid- 
night and gave very excited, and I hope greatly exaggerated, 
accounts of the panic which overtook our army. 

Washington, July 22, 1861. — To-day we have learned 
that the cause of yesterday's panic was the arrival of an ad- 
ditional brigade of Johnston's command late in the after- 
noon, our men not knowing that they had been fighting 
Johnston's main force during the whole day. For reasons 
that we can not now determine Patterson did nothing to 
prevent Johnson's army from re-enforcing Beauregard, so 
that McDowell had a much larger force opposed to him than 
either he or General Scott contemplated. Such seem to be 
the fatalities of war. 



80 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

CHAPTER XVI. 
McClellan Called East — Fremont Ordered West. 

Washington, July 24, 1861. — Telegrams and letters 
received from all parts of the country show that great as 
was the shock of McDowell's defeat, the people have no 
idea of giving up the struggle, but declare as with one voice 
that the war must go on until the rebellion is suppressed. 

That the battle has given great encouragement to the 
South is a fact that must be recognized, and there is great 
danger that it will have an unfavorable influence on Eur- 
opean governments ; but all this should only make us more 
diligent and earnest in our task of prosecuting the war. 

For my own part instead of giving way to any feelings 
of disappointment or discouragement, I have prepared a 
memorandum of future operations, which I am hoping to 
see carried into effect : First, gather a force sufficient to 
move against Richmond and secure its capture ; second, 
move on Cumberland Gap and East Tennessee from Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio ; third, send an expedition down the Missis- 
sippi against Memphis. 

My life has been fully consecrated to the task of pre- 
serving this American Union ; and I am resolved that no 
reverse or disaster shall dishearten me or cause me to doubt 
our final success. 

Gen. McDowell can not be justly censured for the de- 
feat of his army at Bull Run ; nevertheless it has been 
deemed best to appoint another commander for the army in 
front of Washington ; and all eyes have been turned to Gen. 
Geo. B. McClellan on account of his recent signal victories 
in Western Virginia. Gen. McClellan has accordingly been 
commissioned a Major General in the regular army and has 
been ordered to report in Washington without delay. Gen. 
Scott has a very high opinion of McClellan's ability and 
predicts a brilliant success for our army under his com- 
mand in our next campaign. 

Washington. July 25, 1861. — Gen. McClellan arrived 
in Washington to-day, and at once proceeded to his task of 
reorganizing the troops in and about Washington and pre- 
paring them for the campaign that is before them. General 
John C. Fremont (also commissioned as a Major General) 



McClellan Called to Washington 81 

who was appointed commander of the western department 
a few weeks since, arrived at his post of duty, St. Louis, 
Mo., to-day, and entered on the duties pertaining to his de- 
partment. The country is much pleased with these two ap- 
pointments and naturally expects great results at the hands 
of these commanders, in which expectation I trust we will 
not be disappointed. 

Washington, August 7, 1861. — Congress adjourned 
yesterday after a session of one month and two days. Dur- 
ing this period a bill was passed increasing the pay of pri- 
vate soldiers in the army from eleven to thirteen dollars per 
month ; also a bill authorizing the enlistment of 500,000 
soldiers and appropriating $500,000,000 for the prosecution 
of the war; also a bill authorizing a national loan of $250,- 
000,000 in 6 per cent bonds running twenty years, but re- 
deemable at the pleasure of the government at the expira- 
tion of five years ; also a bill confiscating the property of 
persons actively engaged in aiding the rebellion and setting 
free the slaves of such persons ; also a bill legalizing and 
declaring valid all the acts of the Executive having refer- 
ence to the suppression of the rebellion since the 4th of 
March. These various acts and the spirit showed by Con- 
gress throughout this session, I am persuaded, will be satis- 
factory to all friends of the Union, and will go far toward 
convincing foreign governments that we intend to preserve 
our Union at any and every cost. 

Washington, August 25. — Secretary Chase arranged 
with the bankers of New York, Boston and Philadelphia 
for a loan of $50,000,000 a few days since ; and in the 
course of his negotiations with them, he informed them 
that if enough gold could not be secured to tide the govern- 
ment over, the war must go on, if paper money has to be 
issued in such quantities that it will take a thousand dollars 
to buy a breakfast. 

Washington, September 1, 1861. — Fremont's 
proclamation of August 30, freeing the slaves of all rebels 
in his department and confiscating their property has given 
me no small degree of concern, and I have accordingly di- 
rected him to modify it so as to conform to the act of Con- 
gress, approved August 6th. 

For this action I have encountered some very severe 
6 



82 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

criticisms from people I hold in the highest esteem, to all 
of whom I have replied by reminding them that sustaining 
this proclamation would endanger our hold on Kentucky 
and other border states. And I have also reminded them 
that to permit so great a stretch of power on the part of 
an army officer would tend to overthrow our free govern- 
ment rather than to preserve it. 

Washington, September 7, 1861. — Ulysses S. Grant, 
of Illinois, who was recently commissioned Brigadier Gen- 
eral and placed in command at Cairo, the mouth of the 
Ohio river, by Gen. Fremont, having learned the occupancy 
of Columbus, Ky., by Gen. Polk, of the Confederate army 
on the 5th inst., hastily organized an expedition of two gun- 
boats and some 1,800 troops on transports, with which he 
moved up the Ohio river by night, and early the next morn- 
ing took possession of Paducah, Ky., having reached the 
place only a few hours in advance of a rebel force which 
Gen. Polk had sent to take possession of it. This movement 
of Gen. Grant not only reveals great energy and enterprise, 
but indicates that he is the possessor of military capacity 
that is likely to prove of service to the country. May his 

TRIBE INCREASE. 

Washington, November 2, 1861. — The complaints 
against Gen. Fremont for inefficiency have become so loud 
and persistent and so clearly sustained, that I have been 
very reluctantly compelled to relieve him and direct him to 
turn over his command to Gen. Hunter. I have struggled 
long and hard against the necessity of this action, but I 
must do what the interest of the country demands, even at 
the risk of misconstruction and misrepresentation and the 
most bitter censure. 

On account of his age and physical infirmities, Gen. 
Scott has asked to be relieved from his duties as General- 
in-Chief of our armies and Gen. McClellan has been ap- 
pointed in his place. The appointment of McClellan seems 
to be entirely acceptable to the country, as the greatest con- 
fidence is felt in his fitness for this responsible position. 

Washington, November 12, 1861. — Public attention 
has been diverted from the action — rather the non-action — 
of our armies by the seizure of James M. Mason and John 
Slidell, while en route to Europe as Confederate envoys in 
the British steamer Trent. This seizure was made by Capt. 



The Sleeping Sentinel 83 

Wilkes of the war steamer San Jacinto near the northern 
coast of Cuba, the prisoners being now confined in Fort 
Warren, Boston. Our people are loud and emphatic In their 
approval of Capt. Wilkes' act, and T myself greatly admire 
his loyalty and courage ; but the seizure conflicts with the 
doctrine we have always contended for as to the rights of 
neutral vessels, and besides I fear our prisoners will be 
"white elephants" on our hands, as I do not see what dis- 
position we can make of them. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
The Sleeping Sentinel. 



Washington, September 15, 1861. — To-day I was 
waited on while busy at work by L. E. Chittenden, Register 
of the Treasury, and a number of soldiers belonging to a 
certain Vermont Regiment with their Captain at their head, 
who begged me most earnestly to spare the life of William 
Scott, a member of their Regiment who was sentenced to 
be shot the next day for falling asleep while on picket duty 
at the Chain Bridge over the Potomac near the city. They 
represented that Scott was a good soldier but that he was 
on picket guard the night before for a sick comrade, and 
was simply unable to keep awake two nights in succession. 
After hearing their story, I assured them that Scott should 
not be shot until I had time to look into his case more fully, 
and that I would visit the camp at the Chain Bridge some 
time during the day for that purpose. To Chittenden's re- 
monstrance that this was putting too heavy a burden on me, 
I replied that Scott's life was as dear to him as mine was 
to me, quoting the remark of a certain Scotchman concern- 
ing a nobleman of his acquaintance who had been beheaded, 
"It was only the matter of a head, but it was very valuable 
to him, for it was the only one he had !" 

Later in the day I went up to the camp and saw Scott 
himself, and, after talking to him a few minutes about his 
home and his neighbors and acquaintances, I asked 
him if he had a mother, when he proudly showed me her 
photograph. He said he had always done his duty as a 
soldier and was willing to die in battle for the country, but 
it hurt him dreadfully to be shot like a dog by his own com- 
rades. He therefore begged me to fix it so that the firing 



84 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

party should come from some other Regiment. Then I said 
to him, "My boy, you are not going to be shot. You are 
going back to your Regiment to serve your country. I be- 
lieve you when you say you couldn't keep awake and you 
shan't die for going to sleep!" "How can I reward you 
Mr. President?" he asked most earnestly. "By doing your 
duty to your country and proving yourself a true soldier," 
I replied as I shook hands with him and bade him goodbye. 

I returned to the city feeling greatly relieved from the 
cares and labors that press so heavily on me every day, be- 
lieving that the pardon of this young soldier will be a bet- 
ter "example" to the army than his execution could possibly 
be. And what joy and pleasure I have given to his mother 
and to all his comrades and acquaintances ! 

Washington, March 30, 1862. — In an interview with 
L. E. Chittenden to-day, he gave me an account of the 
death of William Scott, the soldier whom I pardoned last 
September for sleeping on his post of guard duty. Scott 
was mortally wounded at the battle of Lee's Mills, Chitten- 
den had been told by a member of the same Regiment, while 
carrying a wounded comrade from the field, "If any of you 
have a chance to see President Lincoln," said Scott as he 
was about ready to die, "tell him I have never forgotten the 
kind words he said to me, and I want to thank him with my 
last breath that he gave me a chance to die on the battlefield 
instead of being shot by my comrades !" 

When Chittenden expressed his wish that my action in 
this case should be written into the history of the country 
I could only answer by quoting what Jeanie Deans in 
Sir Walter Scott's famous novel, "The Heart of Midloth- 
ian," said to Queen Caroline, when she was pleading 
for the life of her sister: "It is not when we sleep soft 
and make merry oursells that we think on ither people's 
sufferings. Our hearts are waxed light within us then, for 
we are righting our ain wrongs and fighting our ain battles. 
But when the hour of troubles comes to the mind or the 
body — and when the hour of death comes, that comes to 
high and low — oh, then, it is not what we have dune for 
oursells but what we have dune for ithers. that we think 
on maist pleasantly !" 



'All Ouiet on the Potomac !'' 85 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
"All Quiet on the Potomac!" 

Washington, November 20, 1861. — At his own re- 
quest Gen. William T. Sherman has been relieved of his 
command at Louisville, Ky., and Gen. Don Carlos Buell 
has been appointed in his place. Gen. Buell is said to be 
a thoroughly trained soldier, and it is believed he will place 
the affairs of that department in the shape that the needs 
of the service call for. 

On the recommendation of Gen. Scott. Henry W. Hal- 
leck has been commissioned a Major General, and in ac- 
cordance with orders has assumed command at St. Louis, 
Missouri. He has already revealed great energy and effi- 
ciency in the organization and discipline of the troops under 
his command. 

Washington, December 1, 1861. — Troops have been 
forwarded to Washington in such numbers since McClellan 
has assumed command, and the expenses of the war have 
assumed such fearful proportions that the country very 
naturally wants to see a forward movement of McClel- 
lan's forces against the enemy. I have had several inter- 
views with the General in which I have kindly urged this 
necessity upon him and kindly reminded that the cry of 
"All Quiet on the Potomac," is becoming very monotonous 
and unsatisfactory to the country. I have even gone so far 
after carefully studying maps of the country and more or 
less war history, as to urge upon him a movement against 
one or both of the enemy's flanks ; but he has replied by 
positively assuring me that he is almost ready to strike the 
blow which will completely suppress the rebellion ; and 1 
can not assume the responsibility of ordering him to make 
a movement against his own judgment. I have heard a 
great many say that McClellan is giving too much attention 
to "politics ;" but I am not concerned about his political 
views, if he will only give us the vigorous movement against 
the enemy that he has so long promised us and for which 
he has been furnished so large an army. 

Washington, December 4, 1861. — In my message to 
Congress which reopened to-day, I was happy to recount 



86 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

that all danger of secession in the states of Kentucky, Mary- 
land and Missouri is past, and that these three states have 
an aggregate of some 40,000 men enlisted in the Union 
army. I was also happy to state that we had obtained a 
sure foothold on the seacoast of the seceded states at Hat- 
teras, Port Royal and Tybee Island. 

Secretary Chase estimates that the public debt, which 
was only $90,000,000 at the close of the fiscal year, June 
30, will be over $500,000,000 on June 30, 1862. This is a 
truly appalling sum ; but great is my faith in the patriotism 
of the people and the resources of the country — and in Sec- 
retary Chase. 

That portion of Secretary Cameron's report in which 
he recommended the arming of slaves was not transmitted 
to Congress, as I could not give it my approval. 

Washington, December 25, 1861. — Secretary Seward 
has addressed a note to Lord Lyons, the British Minister, 
surrendering Mason and Slidell to the demand of the British 
government on the ground that when Capt. Wilkes seized 
the envoys he should have taken them before a maritime 
prize court for a determination of the question whether they 
were contraband of war or not. That there is some na- 
tional humiliation connected with this termination of the 
case can not be denied, but we can not afford a war with 
England at this time. Moreover I am satisfied that the Con- 
federate government wanted us to refuse the British de- 
mand, hoping we would Drovoke the British government to 
recognize the independence of the Confederacy. 

Gen. McClellan's illness at this time forbids any for- 
ward movement of his troops, and the preparations for 
an active campaign will continue under the direction of his 
subordinates. Meantime the rest of us will have to obey 
the Scriptural command, "Let patience have her perfect 
work !" 

Washington, January 1, 1862. — Inasmuch as both the 
banks and the government have been compelled to begin the 
New Year with the suspension of specie payments, the ques- 
tion of issuing legal tender notes as a necessary war meas- 
ure is beginning to press itself on my administration ; and I 
fear we will have to meet it sooner or later — perhaps both 
sooner and later. 

Washington, January 10, 1862. — On account of the 



"All Quiet on the Potomac!" 87 

illness with which Gen. McClellan was attacked in Decem- 
ber, I have given many days and nights to studying the mil- 
itary situation and I am fully convinced that McClellan's 
army of 200,000 men should give some other report of itself 
than the stereotyped "All quiet on the Potomac," of which 
the country has become so weary. I accordingly sent for 
Gens. McDowell and Franklin and had a confidential in- 
terview with them in reference to the feasibility of an im- 
mediate advance upon the enemy, without telling them what 
I had proposed to McClellan a month since. Gen. Mc- 
Dowell at once suggested the same plan, and Gen. Frank- 
lin acquiesced in it, although he rather preferred a move- 
ment against Richmond by way of York river. I thereupon 
requested them to meet me again on the 13th inst. For sev- 
eral nights past, as I have lain on my bed, half awake and 
half asleep, I have fancied I could see those words, "All 
quiet on the Potomac!" on the walls of my bedchamber; 
and whenever I notice them in our daily newspapers, I can 
almost hear a murmur of weariness and impatience from all 
parts of the country. 

Washington, January 13, 1862. — At the adjourned 
conference with Gens. McDowell and Franklin to-day, Gen. 
McClellan and Secretary Chase also being present, Gen. 
McDowell outlined his plan and advised an immediate for- 
ward movement, explaining to McClellan that he was act- 
ing under my orders, to which McClellan coolly answered, 
"Of course, you are entitled to any opinion you please to 
hold." He then without considering the merits of Mc- 
Dowell's plan, proceeded to urge the need of more reen- 
forcements before he could make the decisive campaign 
which would end the war. Secretary Chase then asked him 
the point blank question what he intended to do with 
his army and wiien he expected to do it ! This he re- 
fused to answer, unless required by me. Seeing how em- 
barrassing the situation had become, I then asked McClellan 
if he bad a definite time fixed in his mind for an advance 
movement, to which he promptly replied that he had. With- 
out asking him to name that time I thereupon adjourned 
the meeting. 

Washington, January 14, 1862. — Secretary Cameron 
having resigned his seat in the Cabinet, I have made him 
Minister to Russia, and have appointed Edwin M. Stanton 



88 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Secretary of War in his place. Some of Mr. Stanton's 
criticisms of my Administration and his unfavorable opin- 
ion of my fitness for the Presidency have come to my ears ; 
but the signal services he rendered the country during the 
last few weeks of Buchanan's administration satisfy me 
that he will make a very capable and efficient Secretary 
of War, and for this reason I have asked him to become a 
member of my Cabinet. 

Washington, January 16, 1862. — The report of the 
signal victory won by Colonel James A. Garfield, of Ohio, 
over the superior forces of Humphrey Marshall at Middle 
Creek, Ky., a few clays since, reads more like a fairy tale 
than actual history ; and he has been rewarded with a 
Brigadier General's commission. In view of what Garfield 
accomplished with a single brigade, what great results must 
we expect from the Potomac army when once it moves 
against the rebel forces now encamped so near to Wash- 
ington ! 

Washington, January 22, 1862. — Colonel Garfield's 
victory at Middle Creek, Ky., has been followed by the de- 
feat of the rebel generals, Crittenden and Zollicoffer, at 
Mill Springs, in which action Gen. Zollicoffer was killed, 
and the rebel forces were compelled to make a hasty re- 
treat, barely escaping capture. General George H. 
Thomas, who was in command of the Union forces in this 
battle, showed a degree of energy and determination which 
entitle him to the lasting gratitude of the country. 

Washington, January 27, 1862. — Believing that I 
have even more than fulfilled the scriptural command to 
let patience have her perfect work, in waiting for a com- 
bined movement of our forces under Gens. McClellan, 
Buell and Halleck, I have issued an Executive order for a 
general forward movement of all the land and naval forces 
of the government on or before the coming 22d of Febru- 
ary. I have done this because I am convinced that further 
delay would be ruinous to our cause, and because I can not 
longer endure the strain to which I have been subject by 
day and night for so many weeks. I can not endure the 
cry of "All Quiet on the Potomac" any longer. 

Washington, January 31, 1862. — In addition to the 
general order for a forward movement of all our armies is- 
sued on the 27th inst., I have sent a special order to Gen. 



"All Quiet on the Potomac!" 89 

McClellan that after leaving a sufficient force to protect 
Washington, he shall move with the rest of the Potomac 
army, aiming to strike the railroad at some point southwest 
of Manassas Junction. 

Washington, February 2, 1862. — McClellan's objec- 
tions to my special order and his arguments in favor of the 
Chesapeake route are so persistent and urgent, that I have 
refrained from making the order peremptory ; but at the 
same time I am not ready to accept his plan. If I only pos- 
sessed the military genius of a Caesar or a Napoleon, the 
< I nest ion would soon be decided. Gen. McClellan persists 
in his claim that the rebel forces in his front are very much 
larger than his, which seems to me utterly incredible. 

Washington, February 6, 1862. — After earnestly ask- 
ing and at length obtaining permission from Gen Halleck 
to conduct an expedition up the Cumberland river for an 
attack on Fort Henry, General Grant started the next day 
with some ten thousand men on transports and seven gun- 
boats under Commodore Andrew H. Foote ; and to-day he 
sent a dispatch saying. "Fort Henry is ours; I shall take 
and destroy Fort Donelson without delay !" 

Washington, February 12, 1862. — Feeling very re- 
luctant either to require McClellan to adopt my plan of 
campaign or to accept his, I called a council of twelve gen- 
erals to pass on the question, and to my surprise, found 
eight of them on his side, which caused me to yield to him, 
on condition that he first proceed to open the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad and clear the Potomac river of the rebel 
batteries which have so long obstructed navigation below 
the city, and that a sufficient number of troops should be 
left at Washington to secure its safety from attack. My ac- 
ceptance of McClellan's plan is contrary to the judgment of 
Secretary Stanton, but he is giving his utmost energies to 
the necessary preparations. 

Washington, February 15, 1862. — My anxiety con- 
cerning the forward movement of the Potomac army has 
been considerably relieved — rather diverted — by Gen. 
Grant's capture of Fort Flenry and his movement against 
Fort Donelson. For some reason Gen. Buell has failed to 
give him any assistance ; but we are hopeful that the new 
regiments sent to him from Ohio and other northern states 
will give him a force sufficient for his purpose. Last night 



90 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

I dreamed I saw him riding at the head of his army and 
receiving the surender of the rebel troops within the fort, 
while the cheers of his soldiers could be heard for miles in 
all directions. 

Washington, February 17, 1862. — The glorious news 
has just reached us that Gen. Grant captured Fort Donel- 
son on the Tennessee river with ten or twelve thousand 
prisoners yesterday, after informing Gen. Buckner, the of- 
ficer in command, that no terms but immediate and uncon- 
ditional surrender would be accepted. This victory of Gen. 
Grant's will, I feel certain, compel the evacuation of Nash- 
ville, Tenn., and Columbus, Ky., and prepare the way for 
the opening of the Mississippi river. It pains me not a lit- 
tle that our soldiers had to suffer as they did from cold 
weather, and that our victory had to be purchased with the 
loss of so many lives ; but such is the price we have to pay 
for the preservation of our government. 

Washington, February 21, 1862. — In addition to my 
anxiety about the advance of the Potomac army, I am 
called to endure the loss of a beloved child, not yet in his 
teens, who was the light of my life and the joy of my life. 
How dark and mysterious and past finding out are the ways 
of Divine Providence. But while I can not understand the 
reason of this affliction, it will cause me to sympathize more 
deeply with the fathers and mothers who are giving their 
young sons to the service of the country. And I verily feel 
that the Almighty is laying his chastening hand upon me 
and promising me, that if I prove faithful to my task and 
put my trust in Him, He will direct all my steps ! 

.Washington, February 25, 1862. — Not without mis- 
givings and after the most serious consideration I have 
signed the bill for the issuing of $150,000,000 in govern- 
ment notes which are to be a legal tender for all debts, pub- 
lic and private, except custom duties and interest on the 
public debt. I know no express warrant in the Constitu- 
tion for this enactment ; but it is a necessary war measure, 
and I believe the people will sustain it and eventually make 
these paper dollars as good as gold and silver dollars. 

The complaints against Gen. McClellan's slowness still 
continue, but he has such a hold on his army and is so em- 
phatic in his assurances that he will push the enemy to the 
wall and capture Richmond, that I can not withdraw my 



McClellan's Peninsular Campaign 91 

confidence from him. Besides, if I should remove him, I 
know no General whom I would feel safe in putting in 
command of his army. 

Washington, March 9, 1862. — This has heen a day 
full of news at Washington. Early in the morning we had 
the story of the destruction of our war vessels in Hampton 
Roads by the rebel ship Merrimac, and later in the day 
came the information that the little Monitor had arrived 
there and won a signal victory over the Merrimac, although 
not destroying her. Also during the day we learned that the 
batteries on the banks of the Potomac river were abandoned, 
and following this was the astounding information that 
Gen. Jos. E. Johnston had abandoned his position at Ma- 
nassas Junction and was retreating southward. Gen. Mc- 
Clellan immediately moved his whole army in that direc- 
tion — what for I know not ; but unless his proposed move- 
ment by the peninsular route proves successful, I shall re- 
gret to my dying day that he did not make the flank attack 
on Johnston's forces that I urged upon him. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

McClellan's Peninsular Campaign. 

Washington, March 11, 1862. — Feeling satisfied that 
Gen. McClellan will have enough work to do as commander 
of the Potomac army and realizing that on account of the 
differences of opinion and lack of cooperation between 
Gens. Halleck and Buell, their forces should be put under 
the command of a single general, I have issued an order 
limiting McClellan's command to the department of the Po- 
tomac and placing Gen. Halleck in command of the western 
or Mississippi department. Gen. Fremont to command the 
Mountain or Middle department. 

In all the history of the world I don't suppose that any 
other army commander ever established such a reputation 
as McClellan has on the victories he is going to win ! 

Washington, March 13, 1862. — Gen. Burnside has 
added to his previous successes on the North Carolina coast, 
the capture of Newbern, the principal seaport of that state. 

I have just signed the act of congress providing a new 
article of war, which forbids army officers to employ any 



92 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of the forces under their command for the return of fugi- 
tive slaves to their masters. 

Washington, April i, 1862. — Gen. McClellan having 
changed his plan from the Urbana route to a movement 
against Richmond by way of Fortress Monroe, has at last 
set his army in motion to my almost infinite relief. If he 
will put the same energy and efficiency into his campaign 
that he has shown in the organization and discipline of his 
forces, he can not fail to give us the victory he has so long 
promised. 

Washington, April 8, 1862. — Gen. Grant's army at 
Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee river was surprised 
and attacked very early in the morning of Sunday the 6th 
inst., by the Confederate forces under Gen. A. S. Johnson, 
who was killed in the action. During the day one of 
Grant's divisions was captured, and others suffered serious 
losses in both killed and wounded. Fortunately, however, 
Gen. Wallace's division and Gen. Buell's forces arrived in 
time to take part in the next day's fight, when the rebel 
forces under Gen. Beauregard were compelled to make a 
hasty retreat to Corinth, Miss., the position they were oc- 
cupying before the battle. 

Washington, April 16, 1862. — I have this day signed 
the bill passed by both houses of Congress for the abolition 
of slavery in the District of Columbia, which is very similar 
to the one I introduced in the house of representatives dur- 
ing my congressional term in 1847! This bill sets free all 
persons now held as slaves in the District with their de- 
scendants, and appropriates $1,000,000 for the compensa- 
tion of loyal owners at an average rate of $300 for each 
slave so freed. So the flag of freedom will henjceforth 
float over our National Capital ! 

Washington, May 5, 1862. — After reducing and cap- 
turing Forts Jackson and St. Philip, below New Orleans, 
Commodore Farragut moved his gunboats up the river to 
that city, and on the 1st inst. took possession of the same 
with his troops. The value of this victory can hardly be 
overestimated ; for when Gen. Halleck moves his forces 
down to Memphis we can look for a speedy opening of the 
Mississippi river, which will cut the Confederacy in twain 
and insure its overthrow. 

Washington, May 8, 1862. — After prosecuting a siege 



McClellan's Peninsular Campaign 93 

of a full month — a siesta some military critics pronounce 
it — against the rebel forces and works at Yorktown, his 
troops suffering greatly from disease, McClellan found just 
as he was ready to open on them with the siege guns he had 
waited for so many precious days, that the position was 
abandoned, and that the rebel forces were in retreat toward 
Richmond. A pursuit was immediately ordered, and the 
enemy was overtaken at Williamsburg where a severe en- 
gagement occurred with considerable loss on both sides, the 
rebels evacuating that place after the battle. Gen. McClel- 
lan did not appear on the field until the battle was nearly 
over, and failed to pursue the Confederate forces on their 
retreat, which many critics believe might have been made 
a complete rout. 

Washington, May 9, 1862. — I have written a letter 
to McClellan, kindly reminding him that in view of the 
large force under his comand, it is high time for him to 
strike a blow ; for the country is taking note that his failure 
to move against an intrenched enemy is but the story of 
Manassas repeated. Why must I have to endure this fear- 
ful strain ? Why must I wait so long for the victory he has 
promised? Stanton claims that if McClellan had a million 
men in his army, he could do nothing till he got two million, 
and when he got the second million he would yell for still 
another million ! 

Washington, May 12, 1862. — Gen. Hunter, in com- 
mand of the department composed of Georgia, Florida and 
South Carolina, has issued a proclamation declaring that 
as slavery and martial law are incompatible in a free 
country, all slaves in his department are declared free. 
This proclamation I have set aside on the ground that in 
view of my great responsibility I must reserve to myself to 
decide the question whether such an exeneise of power is 
essential to the preservation of the government. But this 
slavery question 

Washington, May 22, 1862. — News has reached us 
that Beauregard's army has evacuated Corinth, Miss., and 
that Gen. Halleck, who took the field in person immediately 
after the battle of Shiloh (or Pittsburg Landing), had oc- 
cupied the place. As Corinth is the junction point of the 
Central Mississippi and the Memphis and Charleston rail- 
roads, the possession of it will be very valuable to us in our 



94 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

future operations in Mississippi. Not being a military man 
I do not feel qualified to criticise Gen. Halleck's "Siege of 
Corinth" ; but it is hard for me to see why with his largely 
superior force, he allowed Beauregard to evacuate the place 
with little or no loss of either men or war material. 

Washington, June 2, 1862. — While he was waiting 
for good roads and good weather and all other favorable 
conditions before making his attack on the rebel forces near 
Richmond, McClellan's left wing — his two wings being 
separated by the Chickahominy river — was vigorously at- 
tacked by Gen. Johnston at Fair Oaks (or Seven Pines) day 
before yesterday. Our forces would doubtless have been 
badly beaten had not Gen. Sumner obtained permission for 
his corps to cross the rapidly rising river on two hastily 
constructed bridges, by which means the day was saved 
and a substantial victory won by our forces. McClellan 
arrived on the field at night but brought no reenforcements, 
so that the rebel retreat which took place after some desul- 
tory fighting the next day, was not followed up. Gen. 
Johnston was severely wounded in this battle, whereupon, 
by appointment of Jefferson Davis, who personally partic- 
ipated in the engagement, Gen. Robert E. Lee assumed 
command of the rebel forces. 

Washington, June 6, 1862. — News of the capture of 
Memphis, Tenn., follows close on the news of the evacua- 
tion of Corinth, which gives me great hope that our land 
and naval forces acting from both above and below will 
soon open the Mississippi river and determine the fate of 
the Confederacy. 

Washington, June 18, 1862. — After a very energetic 
and I must confess, brilliant campaign in the Shenandoah 
Valley, during which he eluded all our plans to surround 
and capture him and defeated in detail the forces of Banks, 
Shields and Fremont, that were operating against him, 
"Stonewall" Jackson moved the greater part of his com- 
mand in the direction of Richmond, doubtless for the pur- 
pose of re-enforcing Lee. If a portion of Jackson's spirit 
could be communicated to all the officers of the Potomac 
army, Richmond would soon be ours. 

Washington, June 19, 1862. — I have just signed the 
bill passed by Congress for the prohibition of slavery in all 
the territories of the United States. As the principle of this 



McClellan's Peninsular Campaign 95 

bill has always been the corner stone of the Republican 
party, and as the bill itself is a return to the policy of our 
revolutionary fathers, I have given my signature to it most 
gladly and most gratefully, and I am certain it will never- 
more be repealed. 

Washington, June 20, 1862. — In response to a request 
of northern governors, I have just issued a call for 300,- 
000 more volunteers. I have also signed the taxation bill, 
which in addition to numerous other provisions, places a tax 
of three per cent, per annum, on personal incomes of less 
than $10,000 and of five per cent on all over that amount. 

Washington, July 4. 1862.— The "seven days battles" 
in front of Richmond, which began with the rebel repulse at 
Mechanicsville and Porter's defeat at Gaines Mill the next 
day for lack of reenforcements, ended with the repulse of 
the rebel forces at Malvern Hill on the 1st inst. It is 
thought by many that if this repulse of the enemy had been 
followed up, Richmond might have been taken, but Gen. 
McClellan had made all his arrangements for a retreat to 
Harrison's Landing on the James river, and to that point 
his victorious army moved the next day, where it is now 
encamped. What next ? 

Gen. McClellan estimates his loss at about 15,000 men 
winch is certainly an appalling sacrifice. No one has ever 
accused McClellan of physical cowardice, but it seems 
strange to me that he has never yet commanded his troops 
in person on the day of battle. I have heard of many 
cases where generals have turned defeat into substantial vic- 
tory ; but this is the first time I have ever known a substan- 
tial victory to be turned into inglorious retreat and such 
fearful disaster. 

Last night, however, I again dreamed that I was caught 
in a fearful storm while traveling on a rough and very dif- 
ficult highway, when I again saw it written in letters of 
fire on the dark sky above me, that the armies of the Union 
would triumph — at last ! 

Harrison's Landing, Va., July 7, 1862. — In order to 
get some clear notion of the situation at this place I have 
come here for a personal examination and a conference with 
Gen. McClellan. He is very anxious to conduct another 
campaign against the enemy, making the James river his 
base; but, as usual, he wants larger reenforcements (100,- 



96 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

ooo men) than we can possibly furnish. His subordinate 
officers are divided in their opinions on the question 
whether a campaign should be attempted from this point or 
the army should be returned to Washington ; so I can not 
take the responsibility of deciding what to do without fur- 
ther consideration. 

Washington, July 12, 1862. — Congress being about 
ready to adjourn, I have held a second conference with 
the border state senators and representatives and urged 
them to favor my proposals for gradual emancipation, but 
got no other response from them, than that they would 
give it respectful consideration. 

Washington, July 17, 1862. — I have signed the bill 
which provides that all slaves of rebels coming into the pos- 
session or under the protection of the government shall be 
deemed captives of war and be set free, that no person en- 
gaged in the service of the government shall surrender 
fugitives, and that the President may employ persons of the 
African race for the suppression of the rebellion in any 
manner that he deems best. This gives my administration 
discretion and authority to enlist negro soldiers, which from 
present appearances, is very likely to become necessary be- 
fore the contest is concluded. 

The responses to my call for 300,000 more volunteers 
are not all I could wish, but the governors are urging the 
work forward, and throughout all the northern states the 
volunteers are singing and shouting: 
"We are coming, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand 

more ; 
We are coming, Father Abraham, the Union to restore!" 

Washington, July 20, 1862. — In reply to a letter 
from Mr. Cuthbert Bullitt complaining of /certain military 
operations at New Orleans, I have asked him whether, if 
he were in my place, he would prosecute the war with elder 
stalk squirts charged with rose-water. I have also re- 
minded him that I am doing all I can to save the Union, 
but am doing nothing in malice, as the issues I am dealing 
with are too vast for any action that even savors of malice! 

I have signed the Morrill tariff bill which largely in- 
creases the duties on imports, and will no doubt, give 
needed protection to many of our home industries. 

Washington, July 22, 1862. — For some time past I 






McClellan's Peninsular Campaign 97 

have been considering the question of issuing a proclama- 
tion of emancipation ; and 1 have wrestled with the argu- 
ments pro and con until my very thigh bones, like Jacob's 
of old, are shrunken or feel very weary, if they are not 
shrunken. On the one hand is my reluctance to exercise 
any unnecessary power and authority, together with the 
recollection of my oft-repeated declaration that my admin- 
istration would not interfere with the institution of slavery 
where it already exists ; and on the other hand, is the 
clear sense of my obligation to maintain the government 
over which the people have called me to preside. At 
length, however, I have determined that emancipation must 
be proclaimed, if this government is to be saved from de- 
struction. Accordingly at the Cabinet meeting to-day, I 
made known my decision, but asked them all to give me 
any points or suggestions that might be in their minds. 
There was a general acquiescence in the justice and neces- 
sity of such action ; but Seward advised that the proclama- 
tion be withheld until there was some improvement in the 
military situation, as he thought that coming immediately 
after our recent reverses, "it would sound like the last 
shriek on a retreat." I have acceded to this view, but I 
have promised my Maker that I will issue such a proclama- 
tion as soon as He gives us the military success that will 
justify it. 

Washington, July 26, 1862. — In accordance with my 
orders Gen. H. W. Halleck has assumed command as Gen- 
eral-in-chief of our armies, and Gen. John Pope, in view 
of the great energy and efficiency he manifested in the cap- 
ture of New Madrid, Mo., and of Island No. io, on the 
Mississippi river, has been appointed to the command of 
the "Army of Virginia," with a view to uniting McClellan's 
forces with his in a movement against Richmond from the 
Rappahannock river in due season. 

Washington, August 22, 1862. — Horace Greeley's 
New York Tribune of the 20th inst., contained an editorial 
signed by him complaining that I am not faithfully enforc- 
ing the confiscation act which frees the slaves of all rebels 
whenever they come within our lines and authorizes me to 
employ all such in the service of the government — and 
more to the same effect. 
7 



98 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

To this letter I have publicly replied by declaring that 
my supreme purpose is to> save the Union, that if I could 
save it without freeing any slaves, I would do it, that if I 
could save it by freeing either some slaves or all of them, 
I would do it, that whatever I do or forbear about slavery 
is for the purpose of saving the Union, that I will do more 
whenever I believe that doing more will help our cause, and 
will do less whenever I believe doing less will help it. And, 
finally, I state that while these are my views of official 
duty, I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal 
wish that all men everywhere might be free ! 

Washington, August 26, 1862. — Although Gen. Mc- 
Clellan was peremptorily ordered by Gen. Halleck on the 
6th inst. to remove his army by water to Aquia Creek, his 
forces did not all arrive there until yesterday, when he re- 
ported to Gen. Halleck from Alexandria, being thus vir- 
tually, but not formally, relieved of his position as com- 
mander of the Potomac army. 

In view of the enormous expenses of the war, amount- 
ing to about $2,000,000 a day, it is some satisfaction to 
know that business is becoming quite active throughout the 
northern states, so that the people may not find their war 
taxes so oppressive after all. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Antietam and Emancipation — and the last of 
McClellan. 

Washington, September 2, 1862. — As soon as Gen. 
Pope took the field and before he had received any reen- 
forcements from McClellan, he found himself threatened 
by Stonewall Jackson, and after a disastrous campaign of 
almost a month his forces have retreated upon Washington 
greatly discouraged and demoralized. To what extent 
Pope's misfortunes were due to McClellan's failure to sup- 
port him, I am not now able to determine, but McClellan's 
conduct was very far from being that of a true soldier, and 
his various dispatches indicated but too clearly that he 
wanted to see Pope fail and to see himself restored to his 
former command. Nevertheless it is impossible to con- 
tinue Pope in command ; and in view of the confidence 



Antietam and Emancipation 99 



which McClellan's officers and men have in him, I have 
been constrained against the protests of both Chase and 
Stanton, who claim he should rather be summarily dismissed 
from the service — to place him in command of all the 
troops enployed for the defense of the capital. And he has 
entered on the work of reorganizing these forces with 
great energy and efficiency and amid the enthusiasm of his 
soldiers ; for they all have unbounded confidence in "Little 
Mac" in spite of all his failures. I feel very sorry for 
Pope ; his zeal and energy and desire to serve his country 
entitle him to a better fate than that which has overtaken 
him. And McDowell— brave, loyal, faithful, capable Gen- 
eral — what an unlucky star seems to be placed over his 
head. But such are the fortunes (and misfortunes) of war. 
Some Generals win glory and honor above measure, while 
others must lose their lives, and some others their reputa- 
tions. 

Washington, September 7, 1862. — We have informa- 
tion that Gen. Lee has crossed the Potomac near Leesburg 
preparatory to an invasion of Maryland. Gen. McClellan 
has therefore left Washington and taken the field with 
positive orders to follow Lee and not allow his army to re- 
turn to Virginia without getting hurt. McClellan has prom- 
ised faithful obedience to this order, although as usual, he 
complains that his force is insufficient and that the rebel 
army outnumbers his. 

Washington, September 13, 1862. — I was visited to- 
day by a deputation of clergymen and churchmen from Chi- 
cago, who earnestly urged me to carry out what they con- 
sidered the divine will by issuing an immediate proclama- 
tion of emancipation. I answered them by declaring that 
if the Almighty had communicated this as his will to them, 
he would surely have made the same communication to me, 
as it related particularly to my duty- I also asked them 
what good such a proclamation would do in our present sit- 
uation, and whether it would not be as futile as the Pope's 
bull against the comet. However, I begged them not to 
misunderstand me, as I had not decided against the issu- 
ing of such a proclamation, assuring them that the subject 
was on my mind by both day and night, and that whatever 
seemed to be the will of God, I would surely do. I did not 
deem it wise to inform them that I was only waiting for 



100 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

an improvement in our military situation to take the action 
which they urged — and don't know whether they so read 
my mind or not. 

Washington, September 14, 1862. — An order of Gen- 
Lee dividing his army and sending one portion of it to 
make an attack on Harper's Ferry fell into McClellan's 
hands yesterday, giving him a rare opportunity to fight the 
two wings of the rebel army separately and compel them 
both to choose between surrender and destruction. In view 
of the positive orders McClellan has received and the con- 
fidence I have placed in him, he surely will not disappoint 
me. 

Washington, September 19, 1862. — After failing to 
improve the almost miraculous opportunity for winning a 
great victory which was furnished him by the discovery of 
Lee's order, and even failing to prevent the surrender of 
Harper's Ferry, McClellan posted his army at Antietam 
Creek on the 15th inst. ; but instead of attacking Lee's 
forces in front of him on that day or the day following, 
he waited until the morning of the 17th, which gave time 
for Lee's troops that he had sent to Harper's Ferry to re- 
join him, and for this reason McClellan had to fight the 
whole of Lee's army. The engagement which lasted all 
day was an exceedingly bloody one, more than 10,000 men 
being lost on each side. Lee was badly whipped ; but al- 
though Porter's corps was not brought into action during 
the day, and McClellan was advised to renew the attack on 
the 1 8th, he postponed his decision until to-day, and this 
afternoon he telegraphed that the enemy had crossed the 
Potomac river and retreated into Virginia. This is the 
only engagement of McClellan's army which he has ever 
directed in person, and in view of what might have been 
done, I hardly know whether to feel satisfaction or disap- 
pointment over the result. 

The Confederate Congress has recently passed a rigid 
conscription act, calling into military service in the discre- 
tion of Pres. Davis all white men between the ages of 18 
and 45. This is what secession means to the southern 
people. 

Washington, September 22, 1862. — It took me a few 
days to determine whether the battle of Antietam was a 
victory or a defeat ; but since Lee was compelled to re- 



Antietam and Emancipation 101 

treat across the Potomac, I have concluded that notwith- 
standing the faulty tactics of the battle and the failure to 
pursue the beaten enemy, by a preponderance of evidence, 
if not beyond a reasonable doubt, it should be considered a 
victory. It is not such a victory as I had hoped for or 
such a one as the country had a right to expect, but it is a 
sufficient victory to justify the proclamation of emancipa- 
tion which I have so long (contemplated. After two or three 
hours' discussion concerning the form and wording most 
appropriate, I have issued my proclamation declaring my 
purpose at the next meeting of Congress to recommend the 
adoption of a measure of compensation to the people of any 
states who will adopt a plan for the abolition of slavery 
within their limits. And I have further declared that on 
the coming first day of January — which is just one hundred 
days from this date — all persons held as slaves in any state 
or any part of a state which may then be in rebellion 
against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and 
forever free, and that the executive government of the 
United States will recognize and maintain the freedom 
of all such persons. 

Washington, September 26, 1862. — Was much grati- 
fied to receive a call from the northern governors who held 
a recent conference in Altoona, Pa., and to hear their 
hearty endorsement of the emancipation proclamation and 
their promise to sustain it. 

Washington, October 16, 1862. — I have read with 
great concern the report of a recent speech at Newcastle, 
England, by William E. Gladstone, the English Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, in which he declared that "Jefferson 
Davis and the southern leaders have already made an army 
and a navy and what is more than either — they have made 
a nation!" If this be only the personal opinion of Mr. 
Gladstone there is no need of any concern over it; but if it 
is not an expression of the views entertained by the English 
Cabinet, I fear it will be so construed by the English peo- 
ple, and that the tide of English sentiment will be turned 
against us. 

Washington, November 2, 1862. — After receiving re- 
peated orders and letters from Gen Halleck and myself 
ever since the battle of Antietam, Gen. McClellan finally 
commenced to move his army — which should rather be 



102 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

called his body guard ! — across the Potomac river, and it is 
now encamped on the eastern slope of the Blue Ridge, and 
I have finally made up my mind to relieve him from his 
command, if he permits Lee to cross the Blue Ridge, with- 
out a fight. 

Washington, November 5, 1862. — On receipt of the 
news that Gen. Lee's army had reached Culpeper Court 
House, I have issued an order relieving Gen McClellan 
and directing him to turn over his command to Gen. Am- 
brose E. Burnside and report at Trenton, New Jersey, for 
further orders. He will not be restored again. "Little Mac" 
has had his day — rather his year and a half — in court, and 
has lost his case. 



CHAPTER XXI. 
The Tragedy of Fredericksburg. 

Washington, November 12, 1862. — In the congres- 
sional election of this fall, the opposition on their platform, 
"The Union as it was and the Constitution as it is," and by 
representing the war as "an abolition crusade" have gained 
so many representatives in the states of Ohio, New York, 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Illinois and Indiana, that al- 
though we have held our own in Maine, Vermont, Iowa and 
Michigan, we will have a majority against us in the next 
Congress, unless the remaining New England states and the 
border slave states turn the scale in the elections they will 
hold next year. But desirable as it is to have an adminis- 
tration majority in both houses of Congress, the northern 
people are so thoroughly committed to the prosecution of 
the war that the men in power will be forced to carry their 
will into effect. 

Washington, December 6, 1862. — In my message to 
Congress which assembled today, I recommended and most 
earnestly urged the adoption of a plan for compensated 
emancipation ; but from the response given to my message 
of last March, I can not feel confident of a favorable re- 
sponse. In reference to our finances I re|commended the 
organization of an association of banks, whose issues of 
currency should be based on government bonds. 

General Rosecrans, who was appointed to succeed Gen. 
Buell in the department of the Cumberland, has disap- 



Must the Cabinet Be Reconstructed? 103 

pointed me in not moving into East Tennessee, but has 
made Nashville his headquarters instead. From this point 
we expect him to move against Gen Bragg at an early date 
and afterwards to make a campaign against Chattanooga. 

Washington, December 16, 1862. — Gen. Burnside ac- 
cepted the command of the Potomac army with great re- 
luctance, frankly expressing the opinion that he was not 
equal to the task it involved; but he at once began prepara- 
tions for a forward movement for Richmond, by way of 
Fredericksburg. This plan was contrary to the movement 
on the shorter line which I had urged McClellan to adopt, 
and I gave my consent to the change very reluctantly, in 
the hope that he might gain the heights south of Fredericks- 
burg before Lee could make his preparations to resist him. 
For various reasons he did not reach the north bank of the 
Rappahannock until the last days of November, and then 
had to wait several days for the pontoon bridges which he 
hoped to find all ready for him on his arrival. On the 12th 
inst. the greater part of his army crossed the river, and on 
the 13th an attack was made on the enemy's works which 
resulted in a repulse along the whole line and the loss of 
some 12,000 men, the Confederate loss being less than half 
that number. Fortunately the enemy did not know how 
great victory he had won, and on the night of the 15th 
Burnside withdrew his army to the north side of the river 
with his officers and men greatly discouraged and demoral- 
ized and their confidence in their commanding general al- 
most entirely gone. I dread the effects of this defeat both 
at home and abroad, but I must never permit myself to be 
downcast or discouraged even in my own mind. Burnside 
has relieved me of all responsibilitv by declaring that the 
plan of battle was all his own, and that he alone is to blame 
for the slaughter of so many men, but if I relieve him from 
his command, whom shall I appoint in his place? 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Must the Cabinet Be Reconstructed? 

Washington, December 20, 1862 — Two or three days 
ago at a caucus of Republican senators, a resolution was 
adopted declaring it their sense that a reconstruction of my 
Cabinet was demanded in the interest of the public service. 



104 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

As this action was especially directed against Seward, who, 
several senators persist in thinking, has an undue influence 
with me, as soon as he was informed of it he placed his 
resignation in my hands. To-day the committee appointed 
by the caucus to make known its action consisting of Sena- 
tors Sumner, Trumbull, Harris, Grimes, Pomeroy, Fessen- 
den, Howard and Collamer — distinguished Republican lead- 
ers all — waited on me and stated their case, expressing their 
minds very freely in reference to Seward and in milder 
terms concerning some other members of the Cabinet. Of 
course I gave them free vent for their opinions and feel- 
ings and then requested them to meet me in the evening for 
further consideration of the question. I then sent requests 
to members of the Cabinet to meet me at the same time. At 
the appointed hour the eight senators and all the Cabinet 
except Seward assembled, each party being surprised to 
meet the other. After some hours of free and all around 
discussion, I put the question to the senators whether they 
still thought Seward should be retired from the Cabinet 
in view of the great service he was rendering the country 
in the conduct of our foreign relations, to which Grimes, 
Trumbull and Sumner responded Yes, and Harris No, 
Howard, Fessenden and Collamer declining to vote. The 
meeting was then adjourned leaving the question with me 
whether I shall dispense with Seward's invaluable services 
as Secretary of State and appoint another Secretary — who 
else could fill his place ? — or retain him against the protest 
of so many senators. 

Washington, December 22, 1862. — At the meeting of 
Senators and Cabinet ministers two or three evenings since 
Secretary Chase was so much embarrassed that he called on 
me the next morning and presented his formal resignation, 
which to his manifest surprise I at once took from his hand 
without comment — and then I realized very clearly that I 
was master of the situation and of the Senatorial Caucus ! 
For if the caucus could drive Seward out of the Cabinet, 
they would have to see Chase go also ! Then I immediately 
addressed a joint note to Seward and Chase, informing 
them that the public service would not permit me to accept 
their resignation and earnestly requested them to resume 
the duties of their respective departments — which they 
have clone to my great satisfaction. 



Murfreesboro and Chancellorsville 105 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
Murfreesboro (or Stone River) and Chancellorsville. 

Washington, December 30, 1862. — I have been greatly 
disappointed over the news that Gen. Grant in command 
of the Department of the Tennessee, has been compelled 
to abandon his campaign on the line of the Mississippi 
Central Railroad against Jackson and Vicksbnrg on account 
of Holly Springs, his depot of supplies being captured by 
Gen. Van Dorn. I have also been disappointed over Gen. 
Sherman's failure to gain a foothold at Haines Bluff on the 
Yazoo river, but I am very much relieved by the informa- 
tion that Gen. Grant has withdrawn his forces to Memphis, 
preparatory to a movement against Vicksburg with the river 
as his base of supplies. Many appeals have been made for 
me for the removal of Grant from his command ever since 
the battle of Shiloh ; but I have replied to them all, that I 
can not spare him from the army, for he is determined, 
and he fights. I have sometimes wished he were in com- 
mand of the Potomac army, so I would not be so concerned 
about its operations ; but it would never do to call him 
from the west, until the Mississippi river is opened all the 
way down to the Gulf. 

Washington, December 31, 18*62. — I have signed the 
bill admitting the newly formed state of West Virginia, 
into the Union on condition of her adopting a scheme of 
gradual emancipation. 

Washington, January 1, 1863. — The states in rebel- 
lion against the government having paid no attention to my 
proclamation of last September. I have today issued a final 
proclamation declaring the freedom of all slaves in the 
states of Arkanasas, Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, 
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia and 
Louisiana, excepting 13 parishes and the city of New Or- 
leans in Louisiana and seven counties in Virginia besides 
the forty-eight counties designated as Western Virginia. 

By virtue of the power vested in me as Commander in 
Chief of the army and navy of the United States, I have 
declared that all slaves in these states and parts of states 
shall henceforward be free, and that the Executive govern- 
ment of the United States will recognize and maintain 



106 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

their freedom, exhorting all such freed persons to abstain 
from all violence, except in self-defense, and advising them 
to work for reasonable wages, whenever they are allowed to 
do so. I have also declared that such persons as are phys- 
ically qualified will be received into the armed service of the 
United States. 

At the suggestion of Secretary Chase I adopted the fol- 
lowing as the closing paragraph of my proclamation : "And 
upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war- 
ranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I in- 
voke THE CONSIDERATE JUDGMENT OF MANKIND AND THE 
GRACIOUS FAVOR OF ALMIGHTY GOD !" 

Whatever misgivings I may have had as to the people's 
willingness to sustain the policy of emancipation when I 
issued the preliminary proclamation, I have none at this 
time, and I am fully persuaded that I will be sustained by 
the voice of the civilized world and on the pages of 
history. Last night I once more dreamed that I saw Moses 
and Washington on the summit of a great mountain beck- 
oning me to stand beside them. The ascent was still pain- 
ful and difficult, but the sky over my head, was much clearer 
than in my previous dreams; and when I stood before them 
they said to me as with one voice, "Go not down from 
this mountain height ; your place is with us on this rock 
of everlasting fame !" And there I stood beside them until 
I awoke. 

Washington, January 4, 1863.— My feelings over 
Burnside's defeat at Fredericksburg have been in some 
measure relieved by the victory of Gen. Rosecrans' army at 
Stone river, near Murfreesboro, Tennessee, after two days 
of hard fighting, at the end of which the rebel forces under 
Gen. Bragg made a hasty retreat to Tullahoma, some twenty 
miles distant. The determined spirit and superior skill 
shown by Gen. Rosecrans in this battle give promise that he 
will soon proceed against Chattanooga and Knoxville and 
relieve the Union men of East Tennessee of the oppression 
they have endured so long. Gen. George H. Thomas who 
commanded the center of Rosecrans' army in this battle 
and Gen. Philip H. Sheridan who commanded a division 
of the right wing, both highly distinguished themselves in 
this engagement. 

Washington, January 25, 1863. — Representative Val- 



Murfreesboro and Chancellorsville 107 

landighanrs "great speech" in the lower house of Congress 
a few days since, in which he bitterly denounced all the 
war measures that have been employed for the suppression 
of the rebellion and declared in most emphatic terms that 
we could never conquer the South, reminds me of a certain 
western orator, of whom it was said, that whenever he had 
a speech to deliver "he just mounted the platform, rolled 
back his head, 'shined' his eyes, opened his mouth, and left 
the consequences with God !" Still I can not escape the 
reflection, that whatever influence Mr. Vallandigham and 
others of his class may have will only increase the cost of 
war in both money and blood ! 

Washington, January 28, 1863. — Gen. Burnside has 
been so affected by the adverse criticisms of some of his 
Generals that he prepared an order dismissing Gens. Hooker, 
Brooks and Newton from the service and relieving Gens. 
Franklin, Smith, Cochran and Ferrero from duty with the 
Potomac army. Before issuing this order, however, he 
submitted it to me, and insisted that I should either approve 
the order or relieve him from the command of the Potomac 
army. Whereupon I decided to relieve him and have ap- 
pointed Gen. Hooker in his place. Hooker has won the 
sobriquet of "Fighting Joe Hooker," but his extravagant 
and rather reckless criticisms of both McClellan and Burn- 
side, while they indicate his readiness to fight the enemy, 
do not fully prove his capacity to cope with Gen. Lee and 
the able officers who are serving under him. Neither do I 
know any other General whom I consider fully equal to this 
task — nor am I able to create one. 

Washington, January 30, 1863. — I have sent my thanks 
to the workingmen of Manchester, England, who at a recent 
meeting adopted resolutions expressing their sympathy for 
the Union cause and their approval of my emancipation 
proclamation. Reports from other cities indicate that not- 
withstanding all that the English masses are suffering from 
deficiency of the cotton supply, their sympathies are on 
our side, inasmuch as they realize that the Union cause 
represents liberty and justice, while the Confederate cause 
represents only slavery and the oppression of mankind. 

Washington, February 6, 1863 — Secretary Seward has 
addressed a letter to the French minister at Washington, 
in which by my directions he very courteously but very 



108 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

emphatically declined the French Emperor's offer of media- 
tion between the United States and the rebel government. 
There must be no interference of outsiders in this family 
quarrel ! 

Washington, February 25, 1863. — I have this day 
signed the bill authorizing the establishing of National 
banks throughout the country on the basis of national 
bonds, which has been so strongly urged upon Congress by 
Secretary Chase. This bill is not open to the objections 
that might be urged against a single national bank, and I 
believe it will provide a uniform, safe and reliable currency 
— as soon as it is supplemented by a law taxing the cur- 
rency of state banks out of circulation. 

Washington, March 3, 1863. — In common with other 
supporters of the Union, I have hoped — yes, hoped against 
hope — that the war could be fought to a successful conclu- 
sion without resorting to conscription ; but the recent re- 
verses we have suffered have so discouraged enlistments, 
that Congress has passed a law, which I have approved 
to-day, providing that all male citizens between the ages 
of 20 and 45 shall be duly enrolled for military duty, and 
that the President may call into active service such num- 
bers of them as he may deem necessary. 

Washington, May 1, 1863. — When Gen. Hooker as- 
sumed command of the army of the Potomac he found 
its spirit and morale at a very low ebb, but as officers and 
men knew him as "Fighting Joe Hooker," he found very 
little difficulty in inspiring his troops nearly 100,000 strong 
with confidence and the willingness to proceed against the 
enemy. Warned by Burnside's experience not to attempt 
a front attack on Lee at Fredericksburg, he very wisely 
determined on a flank movement by crossing the Rappa- 
hannock river at Chancellorsville some miles above Fred- 
ericksburg. This maneuver was very skillfully executed; 
and yesterday he published the information to his army 
that "the enemy must either ingloriously fly or come out 
from behind his defenses and give us battle on our own 
ground where certain destruction awaits him." He has 
certainly gained an advantage over Lee which, if wisely 
improved, will result in a victory to our arms. 

Washington, May 6, 1863. — Instead of the glorious 
victory which Hooker promised his army the story of 



Vicksburg and Gettysburg 109 

Fredericksburg must be told again. While Hooker lay in 
the position he had secured by crossing the river waiting 
for Lee to attack him or retreat. Lee and Jackson devised 
a flank movement against Hooker's right wing which was 
executed by Jackson with all the vigor and celerity for 
which he is noted. Hooker's right wing was taken by 
surprise and was soon thrown into confusion and disorder, 
the fight continuing for some time after nightfall. The 
result might have been much more disastrous, if Jackson 
had not been accidentally wounded by some of his own 
men, so that he had to be carried from the field. The fight 
was renewed the next clay by Gen. Lee with such effect 
that Hooker recrossed the river, and is now safely en- 
camped on its northern bank. 

I am informed that Hooker's explanation of the sur- 
prise is that he thought the rebel forces were retreating — 
why then did he not pursue them? I am also informed that 
after he had made his crossing to the south side of the 
Rappahannock he advanced part of his army to an advan- 
tageous position some distance to the front, but withdrew 
from it against the urgent advice of his generals, for fear 
he couldn't hold it. "My God !" Gen. Meade is reported 
to have exclaimed, "if we can not hold the top of a hill 
how can we hope to hold the bottom of it?" 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Vicksburg and Gettysburg. 

Washington, May 7, 1863. — Gen. Grant has been very 
active since he assumed command of the forces on the 
Mississippi river operating against Vicksburg. His efforts 
to reach the river south of the city by way of Lake Provi- 
dence and by digging a canal across the neck on the Louisi- 
ana side formed by a bend in the Mississippi and his ef- 
forts to reach the Yazoo river by way of the Yazoo pass 
having all proved failures, he decided with the co-operation 
of Admiral Porter to run the Vicksburg batteries with 
gunboats and transports and effect a landing on the east 
bank of the river near Grand Gulf some twenty-five miles 
below Vicksburg. This movement proved a complete suc- 
cess ; but after the battle of Port Gibson and the evacuation 



110 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of Grand Gulf by the rebels, instead of proceeding farther 
south to cooperate with Gen. Banks in the reduction of 
Port Hudson as it was expected he would do, he marched 
his forces toward Jackson, the capital of the state, with the 
evident purpose of capturing that place and proceeding 
thence to an attack on Vicksburg. His troops have 
only five days' rations in their haversacks, but they are all 
in high spirits and full of confidence that their general will 
lead them to a complete victory. 

Washington, May 20, 1863. — The very gratifying 
news has reached us that after capturing Jackson, Miss., 
and winning the battles of Raymond, Champion's Hill and 
Big Black river over Gen. Pemberton's forces, Gen. Grant 
reached Vicksburg with his three army corps on the 18th 
inst, his army having made a campaign of almost three 
weeks on five days' rations. His assault on the fortifica- 
tions of the city on the 19th failed of success, but he has 
the place completely invested and can not fail to capture 
it, as he will be amply reenforeed. 

Washington, June 16, 1863. — The capture of Win- 
chester by the rebel forces yesterday indicates very clearly 
that Gen. Lee is contemplating another invasion of the 
North ; but Hooker is also moving northward on the east 
side of the Blue Ridge and will, I hope, be able to cope 
with him. 

When Lee first commenced to cross to the north side of 
Rappahannock, Hooker asked permission to move his army 
southward and make an attack on Richmond, but I an- 
swered him that I would not run the risk of putting the 
army in the position of an ox jumped half way over a 
fence, liable to be torn by dogs without any chance to 
gore one way or kick the other ! 

Washington, June 18, 1863. — I am very much dis- 
appointed that Gen. Rosecrans after remaining in position 
at Murfreesboro for nearly six months is still, as he claims, 
unprepared for any forward movement. He also urges 
— very strangely it seems to me — that a forward movement 
on his part might cause Bragg to reenforce Pemberton at 
Vicksburg ! 

Washington, June 28, 1863. — Gen. Halleck never ap- 
proved the appointment of Hooker to command the army 
of the Potomac, and since the Chancellorsville campaign 



Vicksburg and Gettysburg 111 

his confidence in that general has been much less than be- 
fore; consequently their relations have been considerably 
strained, and the correspondence between them has been 
none too cordial. Yesterday Hooker telegraphed from Har- 
pers' Ferry, requesting that the troops some 10,000 in num- 
ber, that are occupying Maryland Heights be added to the 
army with which he is operating against Gen. Lee ; and 
on Halleck's refusal to comply with his request, asked 
to be relieved from the command of the Potomac army. 
While I did not consider Hooker's request to have this 
force added to his command an unreasonable one, I deemed 
it for the good of the service to accept his resignation at 
once without waiting to find out whether he really wanted 
it accepted ! Gen. George G. Meade, the corps commander 
whom I have appointed in his place, has never proved 
himself a Caesar or Napoleon, but he is brave, faithful, 
capable and reliable, and therefore I expect him to give 
a good account of himself under all circumstances. 

Washington, July 3, 1863. — After three days' hard 
fighting at Gettysburg, Gen. Meade's forces finally repulsed 
the attacks of the enemy and thus secured a great victory 
to our arms, although it was purchased with the loss of 
some 20,000 men in killed, wounded and missing, the rebel 
loss being probably about the same. By his conduct of 
this important battle Gen. Meade has greatly increased his 
military reputation ; and I am earnestly hoping he will im- 
prove his victory by pursuing Lee without delay and not 
permitting him to recross the Potomac river. 

Washington, July 5, 1863. — Right on the heels of 
our victory at Gettysburg comes the news that on yesterday, 
July 4, Gen. Grant received the surrender of Pemberton 
and his army of 30,000 men at Vicksburg, so that the cap- 
ture of Port Hudson, which Gen. Banks is now beseiging, 
is all that is needed to open the Mississippi river from its 
source to its mouth and cut the Southern Confederacy in 
twain. All honor to Gen. Grant and his soldiers for this 
most decisive victory. 

Washington, July 10, 1863. — The capture of Port 
Hudson by Gen. Banks on the 8th inst. with 6,000 prisoners 
completes the great task of opening the Mississippi river 
and dividing the Confederacy into two divisions, which 
result ought to convince the Confederates that their effort 



112 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

to establish an independent government can never be suc- 
cessful. 

I have written a letter to Gen. Grant in which I thank 
him most heartily for the work of his campaigns, and I 
also inform him that when he reached Grand Gulf in May 
last I thought he ought to move southward and cooperate 
with Gen. Banks, but I now wish to say to him, that he 
was right and I was wrong! 

Our public debt at the close of the fiscal year June 30, 
had reached the enormous sum of $1,097,000,000 and gold 
at the same was at a premium of 45 per cent ; but when 
the war is over the country's resources will be sufficient in 
a few years to wipe out the debt and make our currency 
as good as gold and silver. 

Washington, July 14, 1863. — I was so disappointed 
over the news that Gen. Meade had permitted Lee to re- 
cross the Potomac and make his escape into Virginia with- 
out another battle, that I wrote him a letter complaining 
in pretty strong terms of his inaction, but after due reflec- 
tion I concluded not to send' it, as I did not want to wound 
his feelings to no purpose, and if he should resign his com- 
mand, whom would I appoint in his place? Still I am 
both grieved and disappointed. A great many claim that 
Gettysburg will always be known as "the decisive battle 
of the war." I suppose it does decide that the Confederate 
army can never secure a foothold on northern soil, but it 
ought to have decided that that army can not secure a 
foothold on Virginia soil either! It would, indeed, have 
cost many lives to have whipped Lee north of the Potomac, 
but it will cost a great many more to destroy his army, 
now that he has returned to the hills and mountains of Vir- 
ginia. Still as Gen. Meade has done so well, I must not 
withdraw my confidence from him, but rather give him 
my hearty encouragement and support in the campaigns 
that are still before him and his army. Until I find, myself 
possessed of infallible judgment, I surely have no right to 
require it in the generals at the head of our armies. 



Chicamauga — Missionary Ridge! 113 

CHAPTER XXV. 
Chicamauga — Lookout Mountain — Missionary Ridge! 

Washington, July 15, 1863. — After five full months 
of waiting at Murfreesboro, during which he was repeat- 
edly and presistently urged to action by Gen. Halleck and 
myself, Gen. Rosecrans called a council of his generals 
the first week in June, at which he obtained the opinions 
of seventeen of them, against an immediate advance of 
his army. But wisely heeding the urgent advice of Gen. 
Garfield, his chief of staff, on the 24th of June he moved 
his three army corps against Bragg's position at Tulla- 
homa and in a vigorous campaign of nine days compelled 
Bragg to abandon Middle Tennessee and retreat into Chat- 
tanooga. This success added to our victories at Vicksburg 
and Gettysburg will, 1 hope, induce him to push on to 
Chattanooga and Knoxville and secure those positions be- 
fore the enemy is reenforced from Lee's army. 

Washington, September 6, 1863. — To my almost in- 
expressible satisfaction and the still greater satisfaction of 
the loyal East Tennesseans Gen. Burnside entered Knox- 
ville yesterday. From the very beginning of the war I 
have desired to relieve these people from the hardships and 
persecutions they were suffering, but have never until now 
been able to accomplish that object. 

Washington, September 8, 1863. — Almost every day 
I am besought by some father or mother or other relative 
to save the life of some soldier who has been sentenced to 
death for desertion or some other offense ; and many of 
our generals complain that I impair discipline in the army 
by my frequent pardons and respites ; but it makes me 
feel greatly rested after a hard day's work, if I can find 
some excuse for saving a poor fellow's life, and I go to 
bed rejoicing to think how happy the signing of my name 
has made him and his family. Besides I have a notion 
that severe punishment is not the only means of maintain- 
ing discipline in the army and securing peace and order in 
society. 

Washington, September 10, 1863. — After a very suc- 
cessful and brilliant campaign of three weeks by Gen. 



114 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

Rosecrans the left wing of his army entered Chattanooga 
yesterday, and the other two corps are in position a few- 
miles in rear of the place. Gen. Rosecrans reports Bragg's 
forces in full retreat and is expecting to start in pursuit 
of him without delay. This occupation of Chattanooga, 
although it was accomplished without a battle, I consider 
one of the most important achievements of the war, and 
it reveals the most masterly strategy on the part of Gen. 
Rosecrans. Still for some reason I am very anxious about 
the outcome ! 

Washington, September 22, 1863. — Instead of Bragg's 
retreating southward after Rosecrans' occupation of Chat- 
tanooga, the two armies engaged in a fierce battle on Chicka- 
mauga creek on the 19th and 20th inst., Bragg having been 
reenforced by Longstreet's corps from Lee's army of Vir- 
ginia. There was severe fighting during the first day with- 
out any decisive result, but on the second day, through 
an unfortunate order of Gen. Rosecrans to one of our divi- 
sions, a gap was made in our line, of which the enemy 
took such advantage that our center and right wing were 
completely routed, and Gen. Rosecrans left the field to make 
arrangements for the retreat of his troops to Chattanooga. 
Gen. Garfield, his chief of staff, obtained permission to 
ride to the left wing where Gen. Thomas heroically held 
his ground against repeated assaults of the enemy until 
nightfall, when, under orders from Rosecrans, he retreated 
to Rossville, a few miles to the rear. Fortunately for us — 
rather, it may be, fortunately for the Confederates — 
Bragg did not renew the attack the next day; so that we 
still hold Chattanooga, which was the "objective point" 
of the campaign. No estimate of the losses has been re- 
ceived, but they must have run far into the thousands on 
both sides. 

Washington, October 3, 1863. — For many years past 
the Governors of our various states, or most of them, have 
designated a special day of thanksgiving near the close 
of the year; wherefore it has seemed to me that in view 
of the many blessings the Most High God has bestowed up- 
on us as a nation, notwithstanding the ravages of civil war 
we should have a day of national thanksgiving. I have 
accordingly designated the last Thursday of November 
next as such a day ; and in my proclamation to that effect 



Chicamauga — Missionary Ridge! 115 

I have exhorted the people, while rendering their thanks to 
the Almighty, to commend to his tender care all those who 
have been made widows or orphans or other sufferers by 
the conflict in which we are engaged. 

Washington, October 15, 1863. — I am greatly pleased 
with the result of the elections in the northern states this 
fall, especially with the re-election of Gov. Curt.in over 
Judge Woodward in Pennsylvania by 15,000 majority and 
the election of John Brough as Governor of Ohio over 
Vallandigham by a majority of some 60,000, which figures, 
it is thought, will be increased to 100,000 when the votes 
of the Ohio soldiers are returned. Throughout the cam- 
paign I felt confident that these states would prove true 
to themselves and to the men they had sent into the army, 
and that the voice of their ballot-box would accord with 
the tread of their battalions ! 

Washington, October 17, 1863. — Recruiting for the 
army has proceeded so slowly for some time past that I 
have found it necessary to issue a call for 300,000 more 
troops with notice that if they are not furnished by Janu- 
ary 5, 1864, a draft will have to be made. 

Washington, October 20, 1863. — Gen. Rosecrans' dis- 
patches from Chattanooga have been of so discouraging a 
character since the battle of Chicamauga, and the situation 
of our forces has seemed so precarious that Gen. Grant 
has been appointed commander of the Military Division of 
the Mississippi, and the armies of the Cumberland and the 
Tennessee have both been placed under his authority. At 
his request Gen. Rosecrans has been relieved from the 
command of the army of the Cumberland and Gen. Thomas 
— the "Rock of Chicamauga" he has been called since the 
Chicamauga battle — has been assigned to his place, Gen. 
Sherman succeeding Grant as commander of the army of 
the Tennessee. The nth and 12th army corps, under 
Gen. Hooker, have been sent to Chattanooga, and Sher- 
man's 15th army corps is well on the road from Memphis. 
which will certainly enable Grant to raise the siege of the 
place, if nothing more. 

Gettysburg, Penn., November 19, 1863. — I came here 
to-day by invitation to take part in the ceremony of dedicat- 
ing a portion of the Gettysburg battlefield as a Soldiers' 
cemetery, the particular duty assigned me being "to set 



116 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

apart these grounds to their sacred use by a few appro- 
priate remarks'' after the distinguished Edward Everett, 
the orator of the day, had given his address. Air. Everett's 
address, which was about two hours in length was very 
learned, very comprehensive and very eloquent, and was 
most heartily applauded by the great audience in attend- 
ance. Knowing that I was only expected to occupy a few 
minutes I gave the very short address, which I had 
previously prepared, in which I sought to express as 
clearly as possible and in as few words as possible my 
appreciation of the debt we owe to the living and dead 
soldiers who fought and won this great battle, and also 
to express my conception of Liberty and Equality as the 
principles on which our government is based and should 
ever be administered. [See page 2.] 

Washington, November 20, 1863. — I received a very 
gracious note to-day from Mr. Everett, in which he said 
he would be glad if he could flatter himself that he came 
as near the central idea of the occasion at Gettysburg in 
two hours as I did in two minutes. 

Washington, November 28, 1863. — After assuming 
command at Chattanooga, Gen. Grant, in the course of a 
few days by a series of very skillful movements, opened up 
his communications with Bridgeport, and as soon as Sher- 
man's troops arrived, made ready for Hooker to move 
against the rebel forces on Lookout Mountain on his right 
and for Thomas and Sherman to assail Missionary Ridge 
on his left and center. Hooker's men performed their 
task with great gallantry, aseending the slopes of the moun- 
tain on the 24th inst. under heavy fire and never stopping 
until they reached its summit, a part of the battle, it is 
said, being fought "above the clouds." The next day 
Thomas' men aided by Sherman, made an attack on Mis- 
sionary Ridge and carried everything before them, caus- 
ing Gen. Bragg's forces to retreat in confusion and dis- 
order. 

This victory of Gen. Grant was greatly facilitated — 
perhaps made possible — by Bragg's sending Longstreet with 
several thousand troops to attack Burnside at Knoxville. 
On account of this movement of Longstreet, Gen. Grant 
the day after the battle of Missionary Ridge sent Sher- 
man with three divisions to Burnside's relief. 



Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar Creek! 117 

Washington, December 7. 1863. — Gen. Sherman ar- 
rived in Knoxville yesterday with a portion of his forces, 
having learned the day before that Longstreet had made 
an attack on the place November 29th, in which he was 
repulsed with heavy loss and compelled to retreat to the 
Holston river. 

Washington, December 9, 1863. — The 38th Congres 
met on Monday the /th inst. and the House was duly 
organized by the election of Schuyler Colfax as Speaker. 
In my message I was able to recount our victories at Vicks- 
burg. Gettysburg and Chattanooga, and to inform Con- 
gress that fully 100.000 negroes who were formerly slaves 
are now enrolled in the service of the government, and 
that as far as they have been tested, it is hard to say they 
are not as good soldiers as any. 

I have taken great pleasure in appending to my mes- 
sage a special proclamation, in accordance with the act of 
Congress, offering complete amnesty to all persons hereto* 
fore connected with the rebellion, on condition of their 
taking an oath of allegiance to the government and promis- 
ing to abide by and sustain the emancipation proclamation. 
I have also declared in my message that I will never retreat 
or change the proclamation or return to slavery any person 
who has been freed by it ! 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Wilderness — Spottsylvania — Cold Harbor — Atlanta — 
Cedar Creek ! 

Washington, March 1. 1864. — The Republican mem- 
bers of the Ohio Legislature having held a formal caucus 
and declared in favor of my re-election. Secretary Chase 
has written a letter to his supporters formally withdrawing 
from the canvass ; but I have a notion that he still thinks 
he ought to be the candidate. This will not bother me, 
however, as long as he continues his good work at the 
head of the Treasury. 

Washington, March 2, 1864. — Since the war began I 
have longed for a general to place in command of our 
armies on whom I could rely so fully that I would not even 
want to know his plans except in the most general way. 



118 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

And since Gen. Grant's victories at Vicksburg and Chat- 
tanooga, my mind has rested on him. Hence I have very 
readily approved the bill passed by Congress reviving the 
grade of Lieutenant General and have summoned Gen. 
Grant to Washington to receive his commission ; and as 
soon as he arrives I intend to place him in command of 
our armies. Severe criticisms have been passed on some 
of Grant's operations ; but my confidence in him has never 
wavered, and I am firm in the faith that he will never let 
go his hold until he either destroys Lee's army or compels 
its surrender — and then the war will close. 

Washington, March 9, 1864 — In response to orders, 
Gen. Grant arrived in Washington yesterday — it was the 
first time he and I had ever met each other, but neither of 
us needed a formal introduction ; — and to-day in the pres- 
ence of the Cabinet and Gen. Halleck I presented him 
with his commission as Lieutenant General, assuring him of 
my entire confidence, and that the country also trusts him 
and will sustain him as General-in-chief of our armies. 
His reply showed that he fully appreciated his responsibility, 
and that he would be equal to the trust reposed in him. 
At Gen. Grant's request Gen. Sherman was placed in com- 
mand of the Military Division of the Mississippi, and Gen. 
James B. McPherson in command of the army of the 
Tennessee in Sherman's place. 

Washington, March 13, 1864. — I have just written a 
letter to Michael Hahn, of New Orleans, congratulating 
him on his election as the first free-state Governor of Lou- 
isiana. In this letter I have suggested to him for his pri- 
vate consideration the question whether it would not be 
well to confer the elective franchise on the more intelligent 
colored people of that state, especially on those who have 
fought in our ranks, as they might help to keep the jewel 
of liberty in the family of freedom. 

Washington, March 25, 1864 — Gen. Grant has re- 
turned from his trip to the west, and without my asking 
or desiring any detailed statement informs me that there is 
to be a harmonious movement along the whole line fa 
point I have sought to attain ever since the war began), 
that Sherman will move against Johnston in Georgia, Gen. 
Butler will operate against Richmond south of the James 
river and that all other commanders will be instructed to 



Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar Creek! 119 

press the enemy as opportunity offers. Grant himself will 
take the field against Lee and continue to fight him until 
his army is either destroyed or captured. 

I am much gratified to learn that the election held in 
Arkansas on the 14th inst. the new Constitution abolishing 
slavery was adopted by a handsome majority. 

Washington, March 28, 1864. — I have always con- 
sidered the emancipation proclamation as a military meas- 
ure, and have earnestly desired Congress to take such ac- 
tion as would make the prohibition of slavery a part of our 
fundamental law; hence my great satisfaction over the 
fact that the Senate has to-day adopted a constitutional 
amendment prohibiting slavery within the limits of the 
United States and empowering Congress to enforce this 
article by appropriate legislation. 

Washington, May 4, 1864. — Soon after midnight to- 
day the army of the Potomac again started to Richmond, 
not to return, as I verily believe, until that city is 
captured and the rebel army is overthrown. Just before 
leaving Gen. Grant wrote me a letter, expressing his ap- 
preciation of the manner in which he had, always been sup- 
ported by the administration and assuring me that if his suc- 
cess should be short of his expectations, it would not be 
the fault of my administration. 

The desperate situation of the Confederates is clearly 
shown in the recent conscription act passed by their Con- 
gress which calls into active service all white men between 
the ages of sixteen and sixty. Gen. Grant says they are 
robbing both the cradle and the grave to save their cause. 

Washington, June 5, 1864. — When Gen. Grant reached 
the tableland south of the Rapidan known as the "Wild- 
erness," he found Lee's army directly across his path, and 
after two days' severe fighting during which our losses 
in killed, wounded and prisoners amounted to nearly 20,000 
men, instead of retreating back to Washington, he imme- 
diately started his army by the left flank in the direction 
of Spottsylvania, hoping to reach that position before Lee 
was aware of his purpose. In this, however, he was 
disappointed, for Lee, ever vigilant and alert and having 
a shorter line of march, arrived there first. A fierce fight 
of two days took place here with a great loss on each side, 
when Grant started on another movement in the direction 



120 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

of Cold Harbor, where he arrived the first of June and 
made a terrible assault on Lee's center which was quickly 
repulsed, and in which several thousand of our men were 
killed or wounded in less than an hour. Our total losses in 
this campaign of one month will run into tens of thousands ; 
it is estimated by some that they will equal Lee's total 
force at the beginning. Gen. Grant is severely criticised 
for this slaughter of his men ; but he fully realizes that 
Lee's army can not be destroyed without hard fighting, and 
that fighting can not be made successful without overcom- 
ing obstacles that seem insurmountable and achieving re- 
sults that seem impossible. Hence I have encouraged him 
to proceed in his great task without faltering, assuring him 
that the government and the people will sustain him to the 
end. As I have read all his dispatches and heard the vari- 
ous reports of his contests with the enemy, I have almost 
felt that every drop of blood that was shed came from my 
own body. I could not bear to contemplate the loss of 
so many men, if I had not devoted my own life, and noth- 
ing less than my life to the cause for which they bled 
and died, and had not laid both soul and body upon the 
altar of freedom and national unity. I surely ought to be 
willing to mingle my blood with theirs, if need be. 

Several nights during this fearful month my dream has 
again come to me, in which I was caught in a fierce storm, 
and again saw it written in clear bright letters on the dark 
sky over my head, that the armies of the Union would 
triumph at last ! 

Washington, June 10, 1864. — At the Union Repub- 
lican National Convention, which assembled in Baltimore 
on the 7th inst., 1 was nominated for president, all the states 
voting for me except Missouri. The platform adopted by 
the convention declares in most emphatic terms that the 
war must be prosecuted until the rebellion is suppressed, and 
that the institution of slavery must be "extirpated from 
the soil of the Republic." It also indorses the emancipa- 
tion proclamation and my administration as a whole. I 
would be more than human, rather less than human, if I 
did not highly appreciate this mark of confidence. Look- 
ing back over the years I have been president, I am far 
from being satisfied with all my acts, and yet I am not 
sure that any one else could have managed the case better 



Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar Creek! 121 

that I have done ; hencel knew no better response to give 
the committee of notification than that I did not think it 
would be wise to swap horses while crossing a stream of 
water ! 

Washington, June 15, 1864. — After his repulse at 
Cold Harbor, Gen. Grant decided to move his army to 
the south side of the James river and seek to flank Lee by 
the capture of Petersburg. He made the movement with 
great skill and with very little loss, but the assault on the 
rebel lines at Petersburg failed from various causes. How- 
ever, he has secured a position on the enemy's flank from 
which he can not be dislodged, and the fall of Petersburg 
and with it the fall of Richmond is only a question of time. 

Washington, June 20, 1864. — Most gladly have we 
learned that the ravages of the Confederate privateer, the 
"Alabama" have come to an end. she having been sunk by 
the "Kearsarge" in the English channel off the French 
coast. 

Washington, June 28, 1864. — With great pleasure I 
have just signed the bill repealing the fugitive slave acts of 
1793 and of 1850. 

Washington, June 30, 1864. — My relations with Secre- 
tary Chase during the last year have been attended with 
more or less friction, and I have in a number of instances 
taken special pains to placate him in order to prevent his 
resignation. For some days past there has been a pretty 
sharp difference of opinion between us in reference to the 
collectorship of the port of New York, and although the 
matter was finally settled in his own way, he sent me his 
written resignation yesterday, with the manifest intention, 
as f interpret his action, to place me on my good behavior 
in the future. Today I have replied by accepting his res- 
ignation, informing him that while I have the same high 
appreciation of his ability and fidelity that I have always 
had, our official relations have reached a point of mutual 
embarrassment that is not for the good of the public serv- 
ice. Of all the public men I have ever known I consider 
Chase a man and a half in comparison with the best of 
them; but unfortunately for him, he has the same opinion 
of himself! f have never been anxious to measure up be- 
side him myself; but the people have made me president 
instead of him, and I must abide their choice, whether he 



122 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

enjoys abiding it or not! Nevertheless I believe he would 
make an excellent chief justice, should there be a vacancy 
in that office while I have power to make the appointment. 

Washington, July 2, 1864. — Ex-Gov. David Tod, of 
Ohio, having declined the appointment of Secretary of the 
Treasury, I sent the name of William P. Fessenden, chair- 
man of the Senate Finance committee, to the Senate to- 
day without consulting him. The nomination was at once 
confirmed, and after most earnest persuason, Mr. Fessen- 
den accepted the appointment — and everybody seems satis- 
fied. Under various acts of Congress we have outstand- 
ing $600,000,000 of legal tender notes, popularly known as 
"greenbacks" — but the people have not lost faith in their 
government ! 

Washington, July 18, 1864. — On account of our 
severe losses in the campaign of the summer I have been 
compelled to issue a call for 500,000 more men, with notice 
of draft in due season if volunteers can not be secured. 
The public debt on June 30th had reached the fearful sum 
of $1,740,000,000 and the premium on gold was over 150 
percent ; but whatever the cost may be, the war must go 
on until we conquer a peace. For verily the mouth of the 
Lord hath spoken it ! 

Washington, July 24, 1864. — The latest news from 
Gen. Sherman in Georgia is to the effect that he had crossed 
the Chattahoochee river and driven the rebel forces south 
to the vicinity of Atlanta, where he was attacked on the 
22d inst. by Gen. Hood who had superseded Gen. Johnston 
by order of Jefferson Davis, the engagement resulting in 
Hood's repulse, although the noble and much beloved Gen. 
McPherson was killed early in the day — a most costly 
sacrifice ! 

Washington, August 1, 1864. — The recent seating of 
the Austrian Archduke Maximilian on the "throne" of 
Mexico by the army of the French Emperor Napoleon is 
a national humiliation that is very hard to endure, but 
our motto must be, "One war at a time." We must not 
intervene or even threaten to intervene until we can brush 
the Southern Confederacy aside ; and when that is done I 
feel very confident that the people of the North and 
the people of the South will unite their voices in declaring 
that no monarchy shall ever be established or maintained 



Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar Creek! 123 

by any European power or powers on the soil of North 
America ! 

Washington, September 2, 1864. — The National 
Democratic Convention, which met in Baltimore on the 
29th of August, nominated Gen. McClellan for President 
and George H. Pendleton, a former congressman from 
Cincinnati, Ohio, for Vice President. The platform 
adopted delares "that after four years of failure to restore 
the Union by the experiment of war, justice, humanity, 
liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate ef- 
forts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view 
to an ultimate convention of the states or other peaceable 
means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment 
peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union 
of the states." McClellan's friends probably hope that an 
effective campaign can be made on the basis of his military 
record — which is mainly a record of victories never won 
and success never attained ; — but this platform will plague 
them from now until election day, whether McClellan ac- 
cepts it or not. 

Washington, September 9, 1864. — Louisiana adopted 
a new constitution yesterday abolishing slavery and forbid- 
ding the legislature to pass any laws recognizing the right 
of property in man. 

Gen. Sherman has furnished a very pertinent and sig- 
nificant answer to the resolution in the Democratic platform 
which declares the war a failure in a dispatch announcing 
that "Atlanta is ours and fairly won!" The capture of 
this city is a very important victory for our arms ; but 
Hood's army is still intact, and will have to be destroyed 
or captured before peace is obtained. 

Washington, September 10, 1864. — Gen. McClellan 
has written a letter, accepting the Democratic nomination 
for President but repudiating that portion of the platform 
which pronounces the war a failure. He declares that he 
"could not look in the faces of his army and navy com- 
rades and say to them, that all their labors and the sacrifice 
of so many lives had all been in vain, and that we had 
surrendered the Union for which we had offered to give 
up our lives." Was ever a party platform so spat upon by 
a presidential candidate? 

Washington, October 20, 1864. — Sheridan's forces on 



124 Supposed Diary ot President Lincoln 



Cedar Creek in the Shenandoah valley were surprised and 
attacked early yesterday morning by Gen. Early and driven 
back in great confusion and disorder. Fortunately, how- 
ever, Sheridan, who was at Winchester 15 or 20 miles to 
the north hastened to the field, and after riding up and 
down the line of his troops and assuring them that the day 
was not lost, moved against Early and won a complete 
victory, driving the enemy out of the Shenandoah valley 
never to return, it is hoped. I have accordingly written to 
Sheridan, tendering him my own and the nation's thanks 
for the great service he rendered the country by his gal- 
lantry and heroic conduct. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Battle of Nashville and Sherman's March to the 

Sea ! 

Washington, November 10, 1864. — The presidential 
election took place on the 8th inst., with the result that I 
carried all the states that voted with the exception of Dela- 
ware, New Jersey and Kentucky, which gives me a ma- 
jority of 400,000 on the popular vote and 212 electoral 
votes to McClellan's 21. I am particularly gratified that 
Maryland, after adopting a free constitution in October, 
gave me over 7,000 majority, and that Missouri gave me 
70,000 votes, more than twice as many as McClellan re- 
ceived. The soldiers, so far as their votes have been re- 
turned, supported me in the ratio of three to one, which 
shows very clearly that they prefer to fight out the battle 
at the risk of their lives rather than return to their homes 
at the price of a dishonorable peace. 

Washington, November 12, 1864. — In an address to 
the Republican Clubs of this city to-day I declared that 
so long as I have been here, I have not willingly planted 
a thorn in any person's bosom, and that while I am highly 
sensible of the high honor of a re-election, and duly grate- 
ful to Almighty God for having directed the people to what 
I consider a right conclusion, it adds nothing to my satis- 
faction that any other man or men may be disappointed 
and pained by my election. 

Washington, November 13, 1864. — We have re- 



Sherman's March to the Sea ! 125 

ceived a dispatch from Gen. Sherman stating that after 
leaving sufficient force with Gen. Thomas to resist Hood's 
threatened invasion of Tennessee, he was about to start 
with an army of 60,000 on his long contemplated move- 
ment to the sea coast, with the view of uniting his forces 
with the army of the Potomac for the capture of Rich- 
mond and the overthrow of Lee's army. 

Washington, December 8. 1864. — In my annual mes- 
sage to Congress which assembled on the 6th inst. I urged 
the adoption by the House of Representatives of the 13th 
amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery through- 
out the United States, repeating my declaration of a year 
ago, that I would never retract the emancipation proclama- 
tion or return to slavery any persons who had been freed 
by it, and asserting that if the people by any mode or 
means should ever make it an executive duty to re-enslave 
such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument 
to perform it. 

I have sent to the Senate the nomination of Salmon 
P. Chase to be Chief Justice in place of Roger B. Taney, 
deceased, which nomination was at once confirmed. I feel 
confident Chase will adorn this position as fully as he has 
adorned every other position he has occupied. 

Washington, December 17, 1864. — The gratifying 
news comes to us from Nashville that Gen. Thomas at- 
tacked the forces of Hood near that city on the 15th and 
1 6th insts. and completely routed them, and that he is still 
in pursuit of them with a good prospect of completely 
destroying Hood's army. 

This news is peculiarly gratifying to me from the fact 
that Gen. Grant was on the point of removing Gen. Thomas 
on account of his delay in making the attack. Gen. 
Thomas has not been as rapid in some of his movements 
as Gen. Grant desired, but he has been exceedingly faith- 
ful and efficient, and has never made a serious mistake 
or lost a fight in which he was engaged. 

I have accordingly sent him my thanks and congratula- 
tions on account of the signal and important victory he 
has won. 

Washington, December 26, 1864. — In response to 
Gen. Sherman's telegram of yesterday presenting me with 
the city of Savannah as a Christmas gift, I have written 



126 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

him a letter in which I inform him that I was very anxious 
about the result when he left Atlanta for the Atlantic 
coast, and now that his undertaking has proved successful, 
the honor all belongs to him, and that the work of General 
Thomas in Tennessee being taken into account, as it 
should be, it brings those who sat in darkness to see a 
great light. Gen Sherman's campaigns of the year prove 
him to be one of the greatest of military strategists, and his 
march to the Sea wil be told in song and story as long as 
this Republic lasts. 



Chapter XXVIII. 

Fort Fisher — Richmond — Petersburg — Five Forks — 
Appomattox ! 

Washington, January 16, 1865. — Being much disap- 
pointed over Gen. Butler's failure to capture Fort Fisher 
at the mouth of the Cape Fear river, I caused an urgent 
request to be sent to Gen. Grant for another expedition 
against that Fort. Gen. Grant at once complied and placed 
a sufficient force under the command of Gen. Terry for 
that purpose; and on yesterday we received the news that 
the Fort was captured with about 2,000 prisoners. This 
victory will surely be followed by the capture of Wilming- 
ton some twenty-five miles up the river, which has been 
such a favorable port for blockade runners since the war 
began. 

Washington, January 19, 1865. — The Confederate 
Congress has passed a bill placing Gen. Lee in supreme 
command of their armies ; also a bill for the arming of 
their negroes. It is a trite saying that you can easily lead 
a horse to water, but you can not make him drink; so I 
might say that even if our enemies should arm all their 
negroes, they can not make them fight for the Confederacy. 

Washington, January 24, 1865. — I dreamed last 
night that as I was walking on a crowded street of Chi- 
cago I heard a man pretty close to me remark in a rather 
sarcastic tone, "Why, he's a very common looking fellow." 
Upon which, supposing that he meant me, I turned to him 
in my dream and replied, "My friend, the Lord prefers com- 
mon-looking people, that is why he made so many of 
them." 



Richmond — Petersburg — Appomattox ! 127 

Washington, January 31, 1865. — The 13th amend- 
ment to the Constitution abolishing slavery in the United 
States, which failed to receive the necessary two-thirds 
vote in the lower house of the last Congress, was adopted 
to-day by the House of Representatives by a vote of 119 
to 56, being seven more than the necessary two-thirds. 
All that is now needed to make this amendment a part of 
our fundamental law is its ratification by three-fourths 
of the states; and then this nation will enjoy "the new 
birth of freedom," that I prophesied in my Gettysburg 
address. 

Washington, February 1, 1865. — I was very much 
gratified at receiving a telegram from Springfield today, 
stating that the Illinois Legislature had taken the lead in 
ratifying the Constitutional amendment that was adopted 
by the House of Representatives yesterday. 

Washington, February 2, 1865. — After making the 
most diligent and careful preparations, Gen. Sherman 
started with the two wings of his army from Beaufort yes- 
terday for a march through the Carolinas en route to a 
junction with Gen. Grant's forces. This surely means the 
doom of Lee's army, although Sherman will have many 
difficulties to overcome, and his former antagonist, Gen. 
Joseph E. Johnston, has been placed in command of the 
forces opposed to him. 

Hampton Roads, February 3, 1865. — Seward and I 
met Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and John 
A. Campbell, representatives of the Confederate govern- 
ment, here to-day, at their request, for a conference con- 
cerning the close of the war. We spent several hours in 
courteous conversation; but inasmuch as I informed them 
at the start that I could discuss no terms of peace with 
them except on the basis of the Confederate states lay- 
ing down their arms immediately, and that I would never 
recede from the terms of the emancipation proclamation, 
and as they stated that Mr. Davis would never treat for 
peace on those terms, our conference closed with no re- 
sult. In response to Mr. Hunter's mention of King Charles 
the First, who treated with his English subjects while 
they were in arms against him, I merely expressed my 
recollection that King Charles lost his head. 

Washington, February 6, 1865. — In a Whig speech 



128 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

that I once delivered on internal improvements I asserted 
that an honest laborer digs coal or earth for seventy cents 
a day, while the President digs abstractions at about 
seventy dollars a day, and that the coal or earth is worth 
far more than the abstractions. But since I have been 
President myself, I have found very little time for digging 
abstractions. Nearly everything I have dug has been very 
concrete, whether very valuable or not. 

Washington, February 22, 1865. — Gen. J. M. 
Schofield, whose 23rd Army Corps was recently ordered 
east by Gen. Grant from Nashville, was placed in com- 
mand in North Carolina by Gen. Grant as soon as he ar- 
rived, and at once moved on the city of Wilmington. 
After capturing Fort Anderson Gen. Schofield celebrated 
this anniversary of Washington's birthday by an unopposed 
entrance into that city, thus effectually closing the last 
seaport of rebeldom. 

Washington, February 26, 1865. — Gov. Andrew 
Johnson yesterday issued his proclamation announcing that 
the new Constitution of Tennessee abolishing slavery was 
ratified by the people of that state on the 22 inst. 

Washington, March 3, 1865. — Received a telegram 
from Gen. Grant to-day stating that he had received over- 
tures from Gen. Lee for a conference in reference to a 
settlement of our difficulties ; and I at once replied by di- 
recting him to hold no conference with Gen. Lee, unless it 
be for the capitulation of his army or some other mili- 
tary matter, and that he is not to decide or discuss any 
political questions with the commander of the rebel forces. 

I have signed the bill fixing a tax of ten per cent on 
the issues of all state banks, the object of which is to drive 
all paper money not issued by the government out of cir- 
culation and secure a uniform and wholly reliable currency 
for the whole country. 

Washington, March 4, 1865. — Before writing the In- 
augural address which I delivered to-day I spent conside- 
rable time re-reading and pondering the writings of the 
Hebrew prophets and the Psalms of King David. What 
a sense of the divine justice and judgments these old 
prophets had, and what preachers of justice and righteous- 
ness they all were. I also spent a good deal of time poring 
over the Sermon on the Mount and other portions of the 



Richmond — Petersburg — Appomattox ! 129 

New Testament, especially St. Paul's sermon on Mars Hill 
near Athens. 

Realizing that my position on the emancipation proc- 
lamation and the continued prosecution of the war was 
well known, that no particular outline of the policy to be 
pursued after the war is over could be given, and that I 
should neither feel nor express any exultation on account 
of my re-election, it came to me as a divine command that 
I should make known to the people, in as few words as pos- 
sible, my convictions concerning the war in which we are en- 
gaged, and declare it a divine judgment on both the North 
and the South for the wrong of slavery which we have 
tolerated for more than two centuries.* 

I also felt impelled — shall I say inspired? — to express 
my feeling that we should continue the prosecution of the 
war without malice toward our enemies, and that the work 
of restoration after the war is over should be carried on 
with the utmost charity and good-will toward all the people, 
to the end that we may have perpetual peace among our- 
selves, and may, if possible, avoid all conflict with other 
nations. [See Appendix.] 

In preparing and delivering this Inaugural I believe 
that the spirit of the Lord God was upon me as truly as 
it was upon the prophet Isaiah when he proclaimed the 
acceptable year of the Lord to the people of Israel; and 
I think it will last longer than anything I have produced, 
unless it be my Gettysburg address, which has already 
secured more attention and comment than I ever expected 
it would. 

Washington, March 20, 1865. — The Confederate 
Congress adjourned two or three days ago, the members 
returning to their homes in a very despairing state of mind 
concerning the fate of their government. Vice President 
Stephens left Richmond for Georgia soon after our meet- 

*Mr. Lincoln's second Inaugural address was characterized by 
a solemn religious tone, so free from earthly passion, that it seems 
as if his soul had parted from all earthly things and felt the pow- 
ers of the world to come. It was the soliloquy of a great soul 
reviewing its course under a vast responsibility and appealing from 
all earthly judgments to the tribunal of Infinite Justice. It was a 
solemn clearing of his soul for the great sacrament of death ! — 
Harriet Beecher Stowe. 
*9 



130 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

ing at Hampton Roads. I wonder what he thinks about 
human slavery as a "corner stone" of government in this 
nineteenth century? 

City Point, Va., March 27, 1865. — By invitation of 
Gen. Grant Mrs. Lincoln and I have spent the last few 
days at this place making our home on the steamer "River 
Queen," this being almost the only relaxation I have had 
since my first inauguration. To-day I had the great pleas- 
ure of an interview with Gen. Sherman, who had come up 
from Goldsboro, and of expressing to him my apprecia- 
tion of his great success in marching his army through the 
Carolinas. I have greatly enjoyed my visits to the camps 
of Grant's army and the acquaintance I have formed with 
many of his officers and soldiers. 

Petersburg, Va., April 2, 1865. — This rebel strong- 
hold having been evacuated by Gen. Lee on account of 
Sheridan's signal victory over his right wing at Five Forks 
on the 1 st inst., I was invited by Gen. Grant to review his 
troops as they marched through the city to-day in pursuit 
of their retreating enemy. Last night I dreamed again 
that I read the triumph of our armies on the sky above 
my head, but it was a sky from which the clouds were 
fast disappearing, and instead of the words, "shall triumph 
at last," I read that our triumph is near at hand! And 
I thought I could read the same prophecy in the faces of 
all our soldiers, as they proudly marched through this city 
to-day; for Gen. Grant has assured them that he will not 
only pursue Lee but will surround him and compel him to 
surrender his whole army. 

City Point, April 3, 1865. — On my return here to- 
day I learned that Mr. Davis while attending church on 
Sunday, the 2d inst., received a telegram from Gen. Lee 
informing him that on account of Sheridan's victory at 
Five Forks, Richmond would have to be evacuated. Davis 
and other Confederate officials left the city on the even- 
ing train for Danville, and to-day our forces under Gen. 
Weitzel have occupied it. 

Richmond, Va., April 4, 1865. — Reached this city 
from City Point this forenoon and was escorted to Gen. 
Weitzel's headquarters in the same house occupied by Jef- 
ferson Davis the last four years. The colored population 
were very jubilant and greeted me with marked enthusiasm. 



Richmond — Petersburg — Appomattox ! 131 

The city was in great confusion and disorder, and the 
tobacco warehouses that were set on fire by the Confederate 
authorities with some other buildings are still burning; but 
Gen. Weitzel is making the most vigorous efforts to re- 
store order and to supply the people with the provisions 
of which most of them are in pressing need. I hope we 
will have no difficulty in convincing them that we have 
no desire to oppress or humiliate them, but that we rather 
desire to give them the blessing of free citizenship in a 
restored Union. 

Washington, April 9, 1865. — A telegram was received 
from Gen. Grant to-day stating that after a week's con- 
tinuous marching and fighting he had surrounded the rebel 
forces with both cavalry and infantry, and that Lee had 
surrendered his entire command of some 25,000 men as 
prisoners of war, with the agreement that they were to 
be paroled on signing a pledge not to take up arms against 
the United States until properly exchanged. While I can 
not indulge any feelings of exultation over the humilia- 
tion of our antagonists, I do rejoice with joy unspeakable 
that we are to have no more fighting or bloodshed, and that 
the Union of the North and South is to be perpetual.* 

Washington, April 13, 1864. — After due considera- 
tion and consultation with Gen. Grant, orders have been 
issued by the War Department to stop all recruiting and 
remove all restrictions on trade and commerce with the 
South as far as may be consistent with the public safety. 
Our volunteer soldiers will also be mustered out of service 
very soon ; for the ministering angel of peace has returned 
to our land ! 

Washington, April 14, 1865. — I have given a great 
deal of attention to the problem of reconstruction during 
the past year, and since the surrender of Lee's army I 
have thought of little else. I have always maintained 
that we should spend no time discussing the question 
whether the seceded states are in the Union or out of it, 
but that we should make all due haste to restore them to 
their normal functions and relations in our common gov- 
ernment ; and at a meeting of the Cabinet this forenoon 

*\Vithout doubt the greatest man of rebellion times, the one 
matchless among forty millions for the peculiar difficulties of the 
period, was Abraham Lincoln. — Gen. James Longstreet. 



132 Supposed Diary of President Lincoln 

I asked them all to give the subject their most careful 
consideration and give their views as to the best means of 
securing this object when we meet again on the 18th inst. 
I told them all explicitly that since more than 300,000 
men on our side and at least 200,000 on the side of the 
South had lost their lives in battle or had died from dis- 
ease during the war, enough blood had been shed, and that 
we would have no executions or reprisals or vindictive 
punishments, reciting to them the beautitudes of the New 
Testament and the familiar words of Shakespeare : 

"The quality of mercy is not strained, 
It droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven 
Upon the place beneath. It is twice blessed; 
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes. 
It is enthroned in the heart of kings; 
It is an attribute to God himself; 
And earthly power doth them show likest God's, 
When Mercy Seasons Justice!"* 

I also informed the Cabinet and Gen. Grant, who was 
present, that I felt sure we would soon have good news 
from Sherman, for I had the same dream last night that 
I had before the battles of Murfreesboro, Antietam, Vicks- 
; burg and Gettysburg; namely, that I was sailing on a 
peculiar kind of vessel toward a dark shore, which re- 
reded from me whenever I approached it. I can not now 
imagine anything very important that is likely to happen 
but a battle between Sherman's and Johnston's forces or 
the surrender of Johnston's forces without a battle — but 
I am certain that something of importance will happen 
soon ! 

My supreme desire from the day of my first inaugura- 
tion has been to see all the states of our Union united un- 
der one government and one flag ; and I have now no other 
ambition than the privilege of presiding over the whole 
country during the coming four years and proving my- 
self the friend of the South as well as the friend of the 
North. Then I will return to Springfield and earn my 
own bread by resuming the practice of law. I have no 
idea that the people will want me to serve them beyond 

*Mr. Lincoln never abused his great power except on the side 
of mercy and humanity. — He is the gentlest memory of our earth! — . 
Robert G. Ingersoll. 



Richmond — Petersburg — Appomattox ! 133 

my second term, and even if they should, I would follow 
the example of Washington and decline any further bur- 
dens or honors. 

I want the people of the South to come back to the 
old home, to sit down at the old fireside, to sleep under 
the old roof, and to labor and rest and worship God un- 
der the old flag. I have piloted our ship of state through 
the storms and stress of war for four long years ; and 
now I rejoice to see her coming into port to receive the 
repairs she needs for future voyages under the skies of 
peace and prosperity. For four long years I have seen 
the flag of our Union riddled with bullets and torn with 
shell and trailed in the dust before the eyes of all the 
nations ; and now I am hoping that it will please God to 
let me live, until I shall see that same flag, unsullied and 
untorn, waving over the greatest and most powerful nation 
of the earth — over a nation of freemen — over no master 

AND OVER NO SLAVE ! 

" Tis the Star Spangled Banner, O long may it wave 
O'er the land of the free and the home of the hrave !" 

But my heart is too full of rejoicing over the end of 
the war and the return of peace to enjoy that play at the 
theater tonight. If the people were not expecting me and 
I hadn't promised to be there, I wouldn't go. I would 
much rather stay at home 

END OF "SUPPOSED DIARY." 



APPENDIX 



LINCOLN STORIES AND ANECDOTES. 

Lincoln's cousin, Dennis Hanks, gives the following account of 
his birth and early childhood : "Tom and Nancy lived on a farm 
about two miles from us when Abe was born. I ricollect Tom 
comin' over to our house one cold mornin' in February an' sayin' 
kind o' slow, 'Nancy's got a boy baby.' Mother got flustered an' 
hurried up her work to go over an' look arter the little feller, 
but I didn't hev nuthin' to wait fur, so I cut and run the hull two 
miles to see my new cousin. Abe never was much fur looks. 
I ricollect how Tom joked about Abe's long legs when he was 
toddlin' round the cabin, an' he growed out o' his clothes faster'n 
Nancy could make 'em. Abe never giv Nancy no trouble after he 
could walk excep' to keep him in clothes. Abe was right out in 
the woods about as soon as he was weaned, fishin' in the crick, 
settin' traps fur rabbits and muskrats, goin' on coon hunts with Tom 
an' me an' the dogs, follerin' up bees to find bee trees, an' drappin' 
corn fur his daddy. He was mighty good comp'ny and interESted in 
almost everything." 

A very earnest Christian man once expressed the hope to Mr. 
Lincoln that the Lord was on our side in the contest against the 
rebellion. "I am not at all concerned about that," Lincoln replied, 
"but it is my constant hope and prayer that we may always be on 
the Lord's side !" 

An officer who had some trouble with Gen. Sherman complained 
that Sherman had threatened to shoot him. "Threatened to shoot 
you?" Lincoln replied, "Well, if I were you, I would keep out of 
his way, for he will be very apt to do it !" 

When Edwin M. Stanton was appointed Secretary of War, 
many people who knew his imperious temper feared he would 
"run away with the whole concern," but their anxiety only drew 
from Lincoln the reply : "We may have to serve him like they serve 
a Methodist preacher I know out west. He sometimes gets worked 
up to so high a pitch of excitement in his sermons and prayers that 
they have to put bricks in his pockets to keep him down. We 
may have to do the same with Stanton, but I guess we will let him 
jump around awhile first." 

When Lincoln's family were moving from Indiana to Illinois, 
they had a little pet dog, which followed after the wagon. One day 
the little animal fell behind, and did not catch up until they had 
crossed a stream of water a foot or two deep. The water was 
running over the edges of the ice, and the dog was afraid to cross. 
"But I could not bear the idea of abandoning even a dog," relates 
Lincoln, "so pulling off my shoes and socks, I waded across the 
stream and returned with him in my arm. His frantic leaps of 
joy amply repaid me for the exposure I had undergone." 

(134) 



Lincoln Stories and Anecdotes 135 

In replying to one of Douglas' speeches in which the Judge 
spoke of his confidence in Providence Lincoln said : "I suspect that 
Douglas' confidence is not more firmly fixed than that of the old 
woman whose horse ran away with her in the buggy. She said she 
"trusted in Providence till the brichen broke, and then she didn't 
know what on airth to do." 

A member of Congress once came into Lincoln's presence in a 
state of intoxication, and quoted the first line of Lincoln's favorite 
poem, "Oh, why should the spirit of mortal man be proud?" "My 
dear sir," said Lincoln, eyeing him closely, "I see no reason what- 
ever !" 

Lincoln's stepmother not long before her death, said of him: 
"I can say what few mothers can say; Abe never gave me a cross 
word or look, and never refused to do anything I asked him. His 
mind and mine — what little I had — seemed always to run together. 
I had a son John who was raised with Abe. They were both good 
boys, but I can say, both being now dead, that Abe was the best 
boy I ever saw or expect to see." 

One of Mr. Lincoln's Springfield neighbors relates the follow- 
ing: "I was called to the door one day by the cries of children in 
the street, and there was Mr. Lincoln striding by with his two little 
boys, both of whom were crying pretty loud. "What's the matter 
with the boys?" I asked. "Just what's the matter with the 
whole world," Lincoln replied ; "I've got three walnuts, and each of 
them wants two." 

A New York business house once applied to Lincoln for in- 
formation concerning the financial standing of one of his Spring- 
field neighbors and received this reply: "Mr. Blank has, first of all, 
a wife and baby, together they ought to be worth $50,000 to any 
man; second, he has an office containing a table worth, say $1.50, and 
three chairs worth $1.00; last of all, there is a rat hole in the cor- 
ner that will bear looking into." 

When Lord Lyons, the British ambassador at Washington, 
made a formal call on the President to announce the approaching 
marriage of the Prince of Wales, Lincoln responded by shaking 
the written paper containing the announcement at the bachelor min- 
ister and saying : "Lord Lyons, go thou and do likewise !" 

A certain man once called on Mr. Lincoln requesting a pass 
to Richmond to whom Lincoln replied : "I should be very happy 
to accommodate you, but since I became President I have given 
passes to more than two hundred thousand men to go to Richmond 
and not one of them has ever got there!" 



LINCOLN ANTHOLOGY. 

In this senatorial contest Judge Douglas has every external 
advantage over me. All the politicians of his party expect him at 
some time to become President of the United States ; consequently 
they see in his rotund, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land offices, 
marshalships, cabinet appointments and foreign missions, bursting 



136 Appendix 

and sprouting out in wonderful luxuriance, ready to be laid hold of 
by their greedy hands. On the contrary, nobody has ever expected 
me to be President ; and consequently in my lean, lank face, no- 
body has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out ! — Speech 
at Springfield, July 17, 1858. 

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate 
justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? 
If theAlmighty ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, 
be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth 
and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great 
tribunal, the American people. — Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, 
March 4, 1861. 

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just 
God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other 
men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. — Second 
Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865. 

Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let 
us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it. — Address at 
Cooper Institute, New York City, February 27, 1860. 

Truth to speak, I do not appreciate this matter of rank on 
paper as you officers do. The country knows that you fought the 
battle of Stone River, and what difference does it make whether you 
rank Gen. Grant, or he ranks you ? — Letter to Gen. Rosecrans, 
March 17, 1863. 

I have always thought that all men should be free ; but if any 
men ought to be slaves, it should be first, those who desire slavery 
for themselves, and, secondly, those who desire it for others. When- 
ever I hear a man arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to 
see it tried on him personally. — Speech to an Indiana Regiment, 
March 17, 1865. 

If we shall suppose American slavery to be one of those of- 
fences, which, in the Providence of God, must needs come, but which 
having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to re- 
move and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war 
as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern 
therein any departure from those divine attributes which believers 
in a living God have always ascribed to him? — Second Inaugural 
Address. 

Do you know I am a military hero ? In the days of the Black 
Hawk war I fought, bled — and came away! — Speech in Congress, 
July 27, 1848. 

Peace does not appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will 
come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keep- 
ing in all future time. It will then have been proved that among 
freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the 
bullet, and that they who take such appeal must lose their case and 
pay the costs. — Letter to a Meeting of Union Men at Springfield, 
Ills., August 26, 1863. 

He who does something at the head of one Regiment will 



Lincoln Anthology 137 

eclipse him who does nothing at the head of a hundred. — Letter to 
General David Hunter, December 2, 1861. 

I was never satisfied with the slowness of Buell and McClellan, 
but before I relieved them I feared I should not find better successors, 
and I have little as yet to relieve those fears. — Letter to Carl 
Shurz, November 24, 1802. 

Very few men are flattered by being shown that there has been 
a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them! — Letter to 
Thurlow Weed, March 9, 1865. 

I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, 
nothing is wrong. I do not remember when I did not so think and 
feel. * * * I claim not to have controlled events, but confess 
plainly that events have controlled me. — Letter to A. C. Hodges, 
April 4, 1864. 

You can fool all of the people some of the time and some 
of the people all the time; but you can not fool all the people all 
the time. — Speech at Clinton, Ills., Sept. 8, 1858. 

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty 
scourge of war may soon pass away. Yet if God wills that it con- 
tinue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred 
and fifty years of unrequitted toil shall be sunk, and until every 
drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid with another drawn 
by the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so must it 
still be said, "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous 
altogether." — Second Inaugural Address. [Could Mr. Lincoln have 
expressed himself in this manner, if the shadow of his tragic fate 
was not resting on his soul, and he had not received some sort 
of premonition that his own blood must be placed in the scales of 
the Eternal Justice?] 

Let every young man choosing the law for a calling resolve 
to be honest at all events, and if in his own judgment, he can not 
be an honest lawyer, let him resolve to be honest without being a 
lawyer. — Notes for a Law Lecture, July 1, 1850. 

I am very glad that the elections this fall have gone favor- 
ably and that I have not, by native depravity, or under evil in- 
fluences, done anything bad enough to prevent the good result. 
I hope to "stand firm" enough not to go backward and yet not go 
forward fast enough to wreck the country's cause. — Letter to 
Zachariah Chandler, Nov. 20, 1863. 

The signs look better. Vicksburg has fallen ; and the Father 
of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea! — Letter to J. C. Conk- 
ling, Aug. 26, 1863. 

Mrs. Lincoln declares that your soap is a superior article, but 
she protests that I have never given sufficient attention to the 
soap question to be a competent judge. — Letter to Prof. Gard- 
ner, Sept. 28, 1860. 

I can not fly from my thoughts ; my solicitude for this great 
cause follows me wherever I go. — Interview with John T. Mills. 
Aug. 15, 1864 



138 Appendix 

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness 
in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on 
to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds ; 
to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow 
and his orphan; to do all that may achieve and cherish a just and 
lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations! — Second In- 
augural Address. 

TRIBUTES TO LINCOLN. 

Again a great leader of the people has passed through toil, 
sorrow, battle and war, and come near to the promised land of 
peace, into which he might not pass over ! By day and by night 
he trod a way of danger and darkness ; and on his shoulders 
rested a government dearer to him than his own life. Upon 
thousands of hearts great sorrows have rested ; but not on one 
such and in such manner as upon that simple, truthful, faithful 
soul. He wrestled ceaselessly through four blackened, purgatorial 
years, wherein God was cleansing the sin of his people as by fire. 
At last the darkness broke, and the morning of peace dawned 
upon us. Then it was for him to be glad exceedingly that had 
sorrowed so immeasurably. Peace could bring to no other heart 
such joy, such rest, such honor, such gratitude; but he looked upon 
it as Moses looked upon the promised land. * * Rest, O weary 
heart. Rejoice exceedingly, thou who hast enough suffered. Thou 
hast beheld Him, who invisibly led thee in this great wilderness. 
Thou standest among the elect, and thy home is with the spirits 
of the just made perfect. Around thee are all the heroes and saints 
who have ennobled human life in every age; and joy is upon thee 
forevermore ! — Henry Ward Beecher. 

Lincoln was a man of profound and intense religious feel- 
ing. From that morning, when, standing amid the falling snow- 
flakes on the railway car at Springfield, he asked the prayers of his 
neighbors, to the memorable hour, when he humbled himself 
before his Creator in the sublime words of the second inaugural, 
there was not an expression from his lips or his pen but proves 
that he held himself answerable in his every act to a more august 
tribunal than any on earth. The fact that he was not a mem- 
ber of any church and was singularly reserved in reference to his 
personal religious life gives only the greater force to these striking 
proofs of his profound reverence and faith. — Nicolay and Hay's 
"Life of Lincoln." 

Mr. Lincoln has furnished the American people a statesman 
without a stateman's craftiness, a politician without a politician's 
meanness, a ruler without the pride of place or power, an ambi- 
tious man without selfishness, and a successful man without vanity. 
— J. G. Holland. 

God brought up Lincoln as he brought up David from the 
sheep folds to feed Jacob, his people, and Israel, his inheritance. 
And he fed us faithfully and truly. He fed us with counsel when 
we were in doubt, with inspiration when we sometimes faltered, 
with caution when we would be rash, with calm, clear trustful 



Tributes to Lincoln 139 

cheerfulness through many dark days and hours. At the last be- 
hold him with his hand reached out to feed the South with mercy 
and the North with charity, and the whole land with peace, when 
the Lord who had sent him called him home, and his work was 
done! — Phillips Brooks. 

Mr. Lincoln's face was the saddest one I ever painted. And 
yet he always had a kind word for every one and almost always 
a genial smile, and he frequently relieved his feelings by some 
harmless pleasantry. "If i had not this vent for my feelings, I 
should die !" he exclaimed on one occasion. — F. B. Carpenter. 

Then his broad good humor, in which he delighted, and in 
which he excelled, was a rich gift to this wise man. It enabled 
him to keep his secret, to meet every kind of man and every rank 
in society, to take off the edge of the severest decisions, to mask 
his own purpose and sound his companion and to catch with true 
instinct the temper of every company he addressed. — R. W. Emer- 
son. 

From the union of these colonists, the puritans and cavaliers, 
from the straitening of their purposes and the crossing of their 
blood, slow perfecting through the centuries, came he who stands 
as the First Typical American, the first who comprehended in him- 
self all the strength and gentleness, all the majesty and grace of 
this Republic, Abraham Lincoln ! He was the sum of puritan and 
cavalier; for in his ardent nature were fused the virtues of both, 
and in the depths of his great soul the faults of both were lost. 
He was greater than puritan, he was greater than cavalier, in that 
he was American, in that in his homely form were gathered all 
the vast and thrilling forces of this ideal government of ours, 
charging it with such tremendous meaning and so elevating it above 
human suffering, that martyrdom, though infamously aimed, came 
at last as a fitting close to a life consecrated from its cradle to 
human liberty ! — Henry W. Grady. 

Abraham Lincoln achieved more in American statesmanship 
than any other president, legislator, or diplomat in the history of 
the Republic ; and he has written the most lustrous records of 
American history. — Col. A. K. McClure. 

In Lincoln we first saw rude vigor, then tempered strength, 
then a great human spirit, touched with the pathos of infinite pa- 
tience and sorrow ; an ideal American, who had climbed from the 
bottom to the top, who had educated himself by the way and 
in becoming supremely great had remained supremely human ! — 
Hamilton W. Mabie. 

The memory of the Martyr-President will always be green 
in the hearts of his countrymen; and paeans will be sung to his vir- 
tues for endless ages. His tomb will forever be surrounded with a 
wall of living hearts; and over it shall wave in perpetual beauty 
and grandeur the flag of the nation that he died to save. — 
Anonymous. 



140 Appendix 

A certain humorist, himself in high position, is said to have 
affirmed that Governors and Presidents must needs grow emphatic 
and more or less profane in office. And yet there has been at 
least one clear-sighted President, whose mind and style grew 
steadily finer instead of coarser, and whom vast responsibilities 
made more patient and more considerate of differences of opinion 
and policy. Let Lincoln's victory in the great ordeal be a happy 
augury for his latest successor. — Prof. Bliss Perry in Century 
Magazine. 

To say that during the four years of Lincoln's administration 
he filled the vast space allotted him in the eyes and actions of man- 
kind, is to say that he was inspired of God; for in no other way 
could he have acquired such wisdom and virtue. Where did Shake- 
speare get his genius? Where did Mozart get his music? Whose 
hand smote the lyre of the Scottish plowman and stayed the life 
of the German priest? The hand of God, and of Him alone; and 
as surely as these were inspired of God, Lincoln was. And a 
thousand years hence no, no drama, no tragedy, no epic poem, will 
be filled with greater wonder, or be followed by mankind with 
deeper feeling than that which tells the story of his life and his 
death ! — Henry Watterson. 

The ship is safely anchored, its voyage closed and done; 
From fearful trip the victor ship comes in with object won ! 
Exult, O shores, and ring, O bells ! but I, with mournful tread, 
Walk the deck my captain lies, fallen cold and dead ! 

Walt. Whitman. 

I like to look upon Mr. Lincoln as a tree on the summit of 
a mountain, lofty and grand, a tree of fadeless green and immortal 
beauty. I like to behold him as a star in the sky, shining evermore 
and growing brighter and brighter unto the perfect day. And 
lifting my eyes still upward, I can see him standing beside the 
great white throne of Heaven, and at the right hand of him who 
sitteth thereon, his homely face all luminous and radiant with 
the love of human kind, and his great arms ever stretched forth to 
welcome to their eternal home the spirits of all those who fought 
to save this glorious Union. And with the same infinite charity 
that he always manifested here on the earth, I can also see him wel- 
coming the spirits of those who fought against us; for are we not 
all citzens of the same country and children of the same Infinite 
Father in Heaven? And in that realm of light and beauty and 
glory, comrades and fellow citizens, methinks the Star Spangled 
Banner will always wave over his head — and ours ! — The Author. 



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